First Amendment & Free Speech

The “Problem of Proportionality” in Debates about Online Privacy and Child Safety

by on November 28, 2009 · 12 comments

The Internet is massive. That’s the ‘no-duh’ statement of the year, right?  But seriously, the sheer volume of transactions (both economic and non-economic) is simply staggering.  Consider a few factoids to give you a flavor of just how much is going on out there:

  • In 2006, Internet users in the United States viewed an average of 120.5 Web pages each day.
  • There are over 1.4 million new blog posts every day.
  • Social networking giant Facebook reports that each month, its over 300 million users upload more than 2 billion photos, 14 million videos, and create over 3 million events. More than 2 billion pieces of content (web links, news stories, blog posts, notes, photos, etc.) are shared each week. There are also roughly 45 million active user groups on the site.
  • YouTube reports that 20 hours of video are uploaded to the site every minute.
  • Amazon reported that on December 15, 2008, 6.3 million items were ordered worldwide, a rate of 72.9 items per second.
  • Every six weeks, there are 10 million edits made to Wikipedia.

Now, let’s think about how some of our lawmakers and media personalities talk about the Internet.  If we were to judge the Internet based upon the daily headlines in various media outlets or from the titles of various Congressional or regulatory agency hearings, then we’d be led to believe that the Internet is a scary, dangerous place. That ‘s especially the case when it comes to concerns about online privacy and child safety. Everywhere you turn there’s a bogeyman story about the supposed dangers of cyberspace.

But let’s go back to the numbers. While I certainly understand the concerns many folks have about their personal privacy or their child’s safety online, the fact is the vast majority of online transactions that take place online each and every second of the day are of an entirely harmless, even socially beneficial nature.  I refer to this disconnect as the “problem of proportionality” in debates about online safety and privacy. People are not just making mountains out of molehills, in many cases they are just making the molehills up or blowing them massively out of proportion. Continue reading →

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Is There Really Any Shortage of Good Programming Options for Kids?

by on November 25, 2009 · 15 comments

kids watching TVIn a recent PFF paper I argued that “We Are Living in the Golden Age of Children’s Programming,” and showed how, despite incessant complaints by many policymakers:

the overall market for family and children’s programming options continues to expand quite rapidly. Thirty years ago, families had a limited number of children’s television programming options at their disposal on broadcast TV. Today, by contrast, there exists a broad and growing diversity of children’s television options from which families can choose.

I then documented there and in my book, Parental Controls & Online Child Protection:

  • the many excellent family- or child-oriented networks available on cable, telco, and satellite television today;
  • the growing universe of religious / spiritual television networks;
  • the many family or educational programs that traditional TV broadcasters offer; or
  • the massive market for interactive computer software or Internet websites for children.

And every time I turn around I find another great show, service, or site for families to choose from.  Continue reading →

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A “Public Option” for Media? The Free Press Plan to Put Journalists on the Public Dole

by on November 24, 2009 · 25 comments

Free Press, the radical pro-regulatory media activist group, recently filed comments with the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) for the agency’s upcoming workshop on “How Will Journalism Survive the Internet Age?”  The Free Press comments provide an enlightening glimpse into the mind of how many on the Left now think about media policy in America.  Their approach can be summarized as follows:

  1. Nothing the private sector can do will save journalism (unless it is entirely non-profit / non-commercial in nature);
  2. Even if there was something that private players could do to save journalism, Free Press would likely have federal authorities forbid it anyway (especially if it involved new business ownership patterns or combinations); and,
  3. The only thing that can really save journalism is a “public option” for the press in the form of massive state subsidization of media in this country.

To elaborate on the last point, here’s how Free Press summarizes what they are looking for:

For U.S. public media to become a truly world-class system will require a substantial increase in funding. This could be accomplished by an increase in direct congressional appropriations to the Corporation for Public Broadcasting. With increased funding — to as little as $5 per person, increasing annual appropriations to some $1.5 billion — the American public media system could dramatically increase its capacity, reach, diversity and relevance.

But they stress that a simple expansion of the PBS/NPR/CPB non-commercial model will not be enough since that system is “vulnerable to repeated threats of funding cuts” and too “reliant on corporate backing, via the underwriting process.” They want to go well beyond non-commercial media, therefore, and have the state start building a massive public media infrastructure.  Here’s where their pitch for a public option for the press comes in: Continue reading →

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Bob Barr Denounces Cyberbullying Criminalization

by on November 22, 2009 · 11 comments

Bob Barr, the four term Republican Georgia congressman turned ACLU activist and 2008 Libertarian Presidential candidate, has denounced Rep. Linda Sánchez‘s (D-CA) “Megan Meier Cyber Bullying Prevention Act” (H.R. 1966) in particularly harsh terms:

This legislation represents an exercise in overcriminalization and poor draftsmanship not often seen, even in the Congress.  A term as broad and as vague as “intent  to .  .  .  cause substantial emotional distress to a person” invites constitutional challenge as being violative of the Fifth Amendment due process guarantee, as well as the First Amendment’s language protecting speech (including political and news media speech).   Sending an e-mail or a blog, or even posting a Twitter message that might be particularly insensitive or even downright mean about another person, including perhaps a candidate for office or an incumbent, could land you in jail if Rep. Sanchez’ bill were to become law.

Barr touches on many of the key points Adam Thierer and I raised in the written testimony we submitted to House Judiciary Committee’s hearing on this subject back in September—summarized here. At the hearing, Sanchez declared her intention to revise the bill to incorporate constitutional criticisms. Stay tuned for an update on that front…

But as we noted in our testimony, the constitutional problems with criminalization cannot beeasily  remedied, especially since Sanchez seems unwilling to limit her bill to cyberharassment of children by adults (such as allegedly happened in the Megan Meier case)—relying instead on existing cyberstalking laws (a much more narrowly defined crime involving “true threats”) to govern conduct among adults, and educational and counseling-based approaches to govern true cyberbullying among children.

Why we haven’t heard the last of Sanchez’s bill, the more serious threat is likely to be efforts to deputize online intermediaries to “deal with the problem” by chipping away at the broad immunity under Section 230 that has allowed the great flourishing of online content and services involving user generated content and participation. As we noted: Continue reading →

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Son of COPA?: H.R. 4059, “The Online Age Verification and Child Safety Act”

by on November 18, 2009 · 9 comments

Rep. Bart Stupak, (D-MI) recently introduced the ‘‘Online Age Verification and Child Safety Act’’ (H.R. 4059), which would require mandatory online age verification for “any pornographic website accessible by any computer located within the United States to display any pornographic material, including free content that may be available prior to the purchase of a subscription or product.”  The measure does not specify how such verification is to be administered, saying only that “any website or online service” must “establish and maintain a system of internal policies, procedures and controls to ensure that no such material is displayed to any user attempting to access their site without first verifying that the user is 18 years or older.”

In essence, the Stupak bill is the “Son of COPA,” or the Child Online Protection Act of 1998, a law that has been constitutionally tested and come up short during an epic, decade-long legal battle in which it was made clear that mandatory age verification is unwise, unworkable, and unconstitutional under the First Amendment.

COPA sought to make it a crime for someone to “knowingly” place materials online that were “harmful to minors.” The law provided an affirmative defense from prosecution, however, to those parties who made a “good faith” effort to “restrict[ ] access by minors to material that is harmful to minors” using credit cards or age verification schemes. COPA was immediately challenge, however, and a 10-year court battle ensued.  The law was blocked by lower courts because it was too sweeping in effect and because courts held that there were other “less restrictive means” that parents could use to deal with objectionable content — such as Internet filters.

COPA’s decade-long legal battle finally concluded in January 2009 when the U.S. Supreme Court refused to revisit the law.  COPA had already been reviewed by the Supreme Court twice before — in 2002 and 2004.  Thus, a third visit to the Supreme Court by COPA would have been something of a historical development in the world of First Amendment jurisprudence. But with the Supreme Court’s rejection of the government’s appeal in January, lower court rulings stood and COPA remained unconstitutional and unenforceable. The key recent legal battle occurred in the Third Circuit Court of Appeals, which upheld a lower court ruling striking down COPA. The Third Circuit’s full decision is here. And I penned a 3-part series on the lower court ruling by Judge Lowell Reed Jr., senior judge of the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania, here, here, and here. Also make sure to check out this summary of COPA’s legal journey that Alex Harris penned last November.

Many, many times here before I have documented my serious ongoing reservations about mandatory age verification.  [In particular, see this lengthy white paper and this event transcript for all the details.]  Moreover, as I pointed out in a recent PFF white paper (“Five Online Safety Task Forces Agree: Education, Empowerment & Self-Regulation Are the Answer“), every major online safety task force that has studied the possibility of mandatory age verification for the Internet has come to the same conclusion: It won’t work, it’s unconstitutional, and it raises serious privacy concerns. Down below the fold I have pulled some of the relevant language from the five online safety task forces that have met since 2000 and considered this issue.  Continue reading →

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A Rarity: Newspaper Argues Against Techno-panic, Cites Constitution

by on November 17, 2009 · 4 comments

Adam has done yeoman’s work for years pointing out, and arguing against, the phenomenon of techno-panic as it relates to children. That’s not the only area in which techno-panic can tighten its grip on the neck of common sense and the constitution, of course.

But here’s a delight I ran across this morning: the Los Angeles Times arguing against techno-panic despite the use of Web sites to research and case potential burglary victims (by the “bling ring,” soon to be the subject of a major motion picture).

The Times editorializes:

[T]hieves [did not] have to wait for the invention of Google maps to reconnoiter neighborhoods in search of easily accessible homes. That’s worth remembering if, as we fear, some legislator decides that a law should be passed to prevent Internet surfers from looking at houses they easily could scope out from the sidewalk. . . . . A law against photographing a home or what occurs outside it in plain sight — or disseminating the images to others — would be overreaching, not to mention unconstitutional.

What a delight—a major newspaper arguing to keep a hot issue in perspective and citing the constitution as a limit on government power! Thank you, L.A. Times.

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Participatory Medicine via Online Social Networking

by on November 16, 2009 · 9 comments

Great NPR story today on how online social networking is helping to bring medical patients together to talk about their conditions and compare treatments.

The story quotes Susannah Fox of the Pew Internet and American Life Project:

“They are posting their first-person accounts of treatments and side effects from medications,” says Fox. “They are recording and posting those podcasts. They’re tagging content. They are part of the conversation. And that, I think, is an indicator of where we could be going in terms of the future of participatory medicine.”

For every story that talks about the bad on the Internet, there are are hundreds of positive examples about how online communities improves lives. If only we can get the doctors to use online technology more often….

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Federal Agencies Can Easily Manage Settings on Their MySpace Page, but How Should They?

by on November 13, 2009 · 9 comments

I got some feedback from readers about my post last night regarding the irony of the FCC’s newly-created MySpace page containing some rather vulgar user comments. I wondered if the agency would continue to allow such comments when the agency regulates similar words when they are uttered on broadcast TV or radio.  A few people asked me why the agency hasn’t bother using the comment management tools that MySpace puts at the public’s disposal.  It’s a good question, and actually I’m not sure why they didn’t do that right from the start.  Perhaps the agency is concerned about being accused of censoring public comment. [Incidentally, the White House and some federal agencies have MySpace pages, so perhaps I need to look into how those agencies manage comments.]

Regardless, the FCC now has taken steps to deal with this. John Eggerton of Broadcasting & Cable and Kim Hart of The Hill point out that the agency has removed some vulgar comments on their MySpace page (namely, any comment with the F-bomb in it).  And I assume the agency is now taking steps to screen comments going forward. For those who are not aware, MySpace empowers users (including government agencies if they choose to set up profiles) to require approval before new comments appear on their profiles (accessed by clicking “My Account” and then “Spam”).  Here are the options:

MySpace privacyMoreover, I should also mention that if people want to see the FCC’s MySpace profile but don’t want to see all the comments, they can always change their default view to MySpace’s “Lite View,” which hides all comments, third party applications, and some other sections of a page. To switch to Lite View, click on “My Account” in the upper-right corner of any MySpace page, then click on “Miscellaneous” to access the Default View setting. It’s another nice way that MySpace empowers users to control their site experience.

MySpace privacy 2Regardless, this will be a difficult issue for federal agencies to manage going forward. If agencies are going to take the plunge and boldly enter the social networking world, they’ll need to understand that the vibrant exchange of views will sometimes entail some salty language and occasional insults.  Yet, when they take steps to deal with some of the most offensive comments posted on their pages, accusations of censorship are bound to fly. It’s a tough position for agencies to be in since they want to encourage maximum public interaction and input, and yet some of that input is bound to get heated, even ugly.

So, here are some questions that both agencies and policy wonks will need to consider going forward. Continue reading →

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Will the FCC Censor Its Own MySpace Page?

by on November 13, 2009 · 11 comments

Oh my.  So today, as part of its ongoing effort to look like the hip new regulatory agency on the block, the Federal Communications Commission decided to launch a MySpace page.    Really. Big. Mistake.

I mean, shouldn’t someone over there have known it would take about 2 milliseconds for various cranks to launch into profanity-laced rants that would make George Carlin blush? Sure enough, the page is already littered with some of the most colorful language you’ll ever lay your eyes on, mixed in with some 9/11 conspiracy theories, a plug for the Marijuana Policy Posse, and something about the FCC “build[ing] a cone of terror in [our] homes.”

Go check it out, but avert the children’s eyes first. It ain’t pretty. Which begs the question: Will the FCC apply its  Pacifica indecency standard to its own MySpace page?  Seems like their site is pretty “pervasive” to me, and there could be “children in the viewing audience.”  Time to censor these “fleeting expletives” on the FCC’s MySpace page!

MySpace FCC rants

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Privacy Trade-Offs: PFF Comments on December 7 FTC Privacy Workshop

by on November 11, 2009 · 26 comments

Adam Thierer and I will be participating in two separate panels at the FTC’s December 7 “Exploring Privacy” workshop discussing, respectively, surveys & expectations and online behavioral advertising. Below is the cover letter I filed as part of my comments (PDF & Scribd), along with four past PFF publications and a working paper on the benefits of online advertising.

Privacy Trade-Offs:  How Further Regulation Could Diminish Consumer Choice, Raise Prices, Quash Digital Innovation & Curtail Free Speech

In general, we at PFF have argued that any discussion about regulating the collection, sharing, and use of consumer information online must begin by recognizing the following:

  • Privacy is “the subjective condition that people experience when they have power to control information about themselves and when they exercise that power consistent with their interests and values.”[1]
  • As such, privacy is not a monolith but varies from user to user, from application to application and situation to situation.
  • There is no free lunch:  We cannot escape the trade-off between locking down information and the many benefits for consumers of the free flow of information.
  • In particular, tailored advertising offers significant benefits to users, including potentially enormous increases in funding for the publishers of ad-supported content and services, improved information about products in general, and lower prices and increased innovation throughout the economy.
  • Tailored advertising increases the effectiveness of speech of all kinds, whether the advertiser is “selling” products, services, ideas, political candidates or communities.

With these considerations in mind, policymakers must ask four critical questions:

  1. What exactly is the “harm” or market failure that requires government intervention?
  2. Are there “less restrictive” alternatives to regulation?
  3. Will regulation’s costs outweigh its supposed benefits?
  4. What is the appropriate legal standard for deciding whether further government intervention is required? Continue reading →

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