Miscellaneous

Air taxis and electric vertical takeoff and landing aircraft (eVTOLs) will receive significant regulator attention in 2019 as companies test these aircraft and move towards commercialization. I’m fairly bullish on the technology and its potential and I’m pleased to see state lawmakers and mayors, however, seem to be waking up to the massive possibilities of this industry.

A recent NASA-commissioned study estimates that in the best-case scenario, the U.S. air taxi market would be worth about $500 billion annually, which is nearly the size of the U.S. auto sector. This translates into about 1 million air taxis in the air and 11 million flights per day. Morgan Stanley researchers recently estimated that the global flying car market could be about $1.5 trillion annually by 2040.

You can quibble with the numbers, but it’s clear that aircraft companies and governments believe flying cars are no longer science fiction. Uber plans to offer commercial eVTOL flights in 2023, with testing beginning in 2020. Boeing plans testing later this year.

Federal and state lawmakers need to start preparing for the industry. In November, I published a paper and a Wall Street Journal op-ed proposing that the FAA demarcate and auction highways in the sky–exclusive aerial corridors–for air taxi flights, as a way to manage airspace congestion and preserve competition.

As I wrote in the Detroit News a few weeks ago, state lawmakers also need to start planning for air taxis. States don’t manage aircraft flights but they do manage zoning, property rights, and other areas where state policy can inhibit or encourage the air taxi industry. I mentioned in the op-ed that there are two things states can do in the near future.

Aerial Navigational Easement

First, a good policy is to grant small aircraft a navigational easement to low-altitude airspace. Trespass lawsuits from landowners could scare away companies and innovators who want to test passenger drone and air taxi flights.

About half of states created these aerial navigation easements in the 1920s and 1930s so that trespass lawsuits would not interfere with the new aviation industry. Per these state statutes, flights over property are allowed so long as they do not substantially interfere with the homeowner’s use and enjoyment of the land.

Aerial navigation easement laws have a few benefits: They:

  1. Reaffirm the primacy of landowner property interests.
  2. Reinforce state prerogatives to determine property rights.
  3. Encourage the drone and air taxi industry by precluding most trespass lawsuits.
  4. Avoid a fight with federal regulators by leaving air traffic management policy untouched.

This 80-year old policy will see new relevance in the states this year. Last month, in Washington, a landowner sued a drone operator for aerial trespass. Washington, notably, does not provide for an aerial navigational easement in law.

Air Taxi Advisory Committee

Second, governors or legislatures should consider creating advisory committees for the air taxi industry. Air taxis will raise all sorts of novel state and local issues. A few come to mind:

  • Should municipal zoning laws for helipads and air taxi “vertiports” be liberalized?
  • EVTOLs require substantial electrical grid improvements and distributed, powerful charging stations on rooftops and landing sites. Are state regulations standing in the way?
  • Air taxis, like trains and autos, create significant noise and local nuisance laws could essentially preclude all air taxi testing and operation. What decibel levels are appropriate to balance industry and public acceptance? Should that be decided at the state or local level?

State advisory committees were created for another emerging technology sector–autonomous vehicles. Committees are composed of stakeholders, including public safety representatives, consumer groups, industry representatives, and academics. They can create policy recommendations for legislators and participate in hearings as air taxis come closer to commercialization.

For the air taxi industry to reach its potential, there needs to be collaboration between and foresight from state and federal lawmakers. Air taxi technology has moved far ahead of law, regulation, and public perception. Fortunately, I expect state and local officials to start examining their current laws and whether modernization is in order to stimulate this transportation sector.

Below are the top 10 posts on the Technology Liberation Front in 2018. Everything from privacy, to 5G, to tech monopolies, and net neutrality. Enjoy, and Happy New Year!

10. How Well-Intentioned Privacy Regulation Could Boost Market Power of Facebook & Google, April 25.

9. Nationalizing 5G networks? Why that’s a bad idea., January 29. (Republished at The Federalist.)

8. The Pacing Problem, the Collingridge Dilemma & Technological Determinism, August 16.

7. GDPR Compliance: The Price of Privacy Protections, July 9.

6. Evasive Entrepreneurialism and Technological Civil Disobedience: Basic Definitions, July 10.

5. No, “83% of Americans” do not support the 2015 net neutrality regulations, May 18.

4. The FCC can increase 5G deployment by empowering homeowners, July 26.

3. Doomed to fail: “net neutrality” state laws, February 20.

2. Should We Teach Children to Be Entrepreneurs, or How to Pay Licensing Fees?, Aug. 21.

1. The Week Facebook Became a Regulated Monopoly (and Achieved Its Greatest Victory in the Process), April 10.

It is now been a year since network neutrality rules supported by Title II were officially repealed, marking the end of the Obama-era legislation. Writing in Wired, Klint Finley noted that, “The good news is that the internet isn’t drastically different than it was before. But that’s also the bad news: The net wasn’t always so neutral to begin with.”

At the time, many worried what would happen. Apple co-founder Steve Wozniak and former FCC Commissioner Michael Copps suggested that two worlds were possible. “Will consumers and citizens control their online experiences, or will a few gigantic gatekeepers take this dynamic technology down the road of centralized control, toll booths and constantly rising prices for consumers?”
Continue reading →

One year ago, the FCC majority passed the 2017 Restoring Internet Freedom Order, largely overturning the 2015 Open Internet Order. I consider the 2017 Order the most significant FCC action in a generation. The FCC did a rare thing for an agency—it voluntarily narrowed its authority to regulate a powerful and massive industry.

In addition to returning authority to the Federal Trade Commission and state attorneys general, the 2017 Order restored common-sense regulatory humility, despite the courts blessing the Obama FCC’s unconvincing, expansive interpretation of FCC authority. National policy, codified in law, is that the Internet and Internet services should be “unfettered by Federal or State regulation,” which, if it means anything, means Internet services cannot be regulated as common carriers.

Net neutrality is dead

Net neutrality advocates who want the FCC to have common carriage powers over Internet applications and networking practices were outraged by the approval of the 2017 Order. Joe Kane at R Street has a good roundup of some of the death-of-the-Internet hyperbole from the political class and advocates. Some disturbed net neutrality supporters took it too far, including threats to the lives and families of the Republican commissioners, especially Chairman Pai.

But the 2017 Order hadn’t killed net neutrality. It was already dead. A few hours after the passage of the Restoring Internet Freedom Order, I was on a net neutrality panel in DC for an event about the First Amendment and the Internet. (One of my co-panelists dropped out out of caution because of the credible bomb threat at the FCC that day.) I pointed out at that event that while you wouldn’t know it from the news coverage, the Obama FCC had already killed net neutrality’s core principle—the prohibition against content blocking. The 2015 “net neutrality” Order allowed ISPs to block content. Attributing things to the 2015 Order that it simply doesn’t do is what Commissioner Carr has called the “Title II head fake.” The 2017 Order simply freed ISPs and app companies to invest and innovate without fear of plodding scrutiny and inconclusive findings from a far-off FCC bureau.

Long live net neutrality

The net neutrality movement will live on, however. The main net neutrality proponents aren’t that concerned with ISP content blocking; they want FCC regulation of the Internet companies and new media. It’s no coincidence that most of the prominent net neutrality advocates come out of the media access movement, which urged the FCC’s Fairness Doctrine, equal time laws, and programming mandates for TV and radio broadcasts.

The newer net neutrality coalition, as then-FCC Chairman Wheeler conceded frankly, doesn’t know precisely what Internet regulation would look like. What they do know is that ISPs and Internet companies are operating with inadequate public supervision and government design. 

As Public Knowledge CEO Gene Kimmelman has said, the 2015 Order was about threatening the industry with vague but severe rules: “Legal risk and some ambiguity around what practices will be deemed ‘unreasonably discriminatory’ have been effective tools to instill fear for the last 20 years” for the telecom industry. Title II functions, per Kimmelman, as a “way[] to keep the shadow and the fear of ‘going too far’ hanging over the dominant ISPs.” Internet regulation advocates, he said at the time, “have to have fight after fight over every claim of discrimination, of new service or not.”

So it’s Internet regulation, not strict net neutrality, that is driving the movement. As former Obama administration and FCC adviser Kevin Werbach said last year, “It’s not just broadband providers that are fundamental public utilities, at some level Google is, at some level Facebook is, at some level Amazon is.” 

Fortunately, because of the Restoring Internet Freedom Order, IP networks and apps companies have a few years of regulatory reprieve at a critical time. Net neutrality was invented in 2003 and draws on common carriage principles that cannot be applied sensibly to the various services carried on IP networks. Unlike the “single app” phone network regulated with common carriage, these networks transmit thousands of services and apps–like VoIP, gaming, conferencing, OTT video, IPTV, VoLTE, messaging, and Web–that require various technologies, changing topologies, and different quality-of-service requirements. 5G wireless will only accelerate the service differentiation that is at severe tension with net neutrality norms.

Rather than distract agency staff and the Internet industry with metaphysical debates about “reasonable network” practices, the Trump FCC has prioritized network investment, spectrum access, and rural broadband. Hopefully the next year is like the last.

Addendum: The net neutrality reprieve has not only freed up FCC staff to work on more pressing matters, it’s freed  up my time to write about tech policy areas that the public will benefit from. In November I published a Mercatus working paper and a Wall Street Journal op-ed about flying car policy.

Contemporary tech criticism displays an anti-nostalgia. Instead of being reverent for the past, anxiety about the future abounds. In these visions, the future is imagined as a strange, foreign land, beset with problems. And yet, to quote that old adage, tomorrow is the visitor that is always coming but never arrives. The future never arrives because we are assembling it today.  

The distance between the now and the future finds its hook in tech policy in the pacing problem, a term describing the mismatch between advancing technologies and society’s efforts to cope with them. Vivek Wadhwa explained that, “We haven’t come to grips with what is ethical, let alone with what the laws should be, in relation to technologies such as social media.” In The Laws of Disruption, Larry Downes explained the pacing problem like this: “technology changes exponentially, but social, economic, and legal systems change incrementally.” Or, as Adam Thierer wondered, “What happens when technological innovation outpaces the ability of laws and regulations to keep up?”

Here are three short responses. Continue reading →

Last month, it was my great honor to be invited to be a keynote speaker at Lincoln Network’s Reboot 2018 “Innovation Under Threat” conference. Zach Graves interviewed me for 30 minutes about a wide range of topics, including: innovation arbitrage, evasive entrepreneurialism, technopanics, the pacing problem, permissionless innovation, technological civil disobedience, existential risk, soft law and more. They’ve now posted the full event video and you can watch it down below.

National Public Radio, the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation, and the Harvard T.H. Chan School of Public Health just published a new report on “Life in Rural America.” This survey of 1,300 adults living in the rural United States has a lot to say about health issues, population change, the strengths and challenges for rural communities, as well as discrimination and drug use. But I wanted to highlight two questions related to rural broadband development that might make you update your beliefs about massive rural investment. Continue reading →

[first published at The Bridge on August 9, 2018]

What happens when technological innovation outpaces the ability of laws and regulations to keep up?

This phenomenon is known as “the pacing problem,” and it has profound ramifications for the governance of emerging technologies. Indeed, the pacing problem is becoming the great equalizer in debates over technological governance because it forces governments to rethink their approach to the regulation of many sectors and technologies.

The Innovation Cornucopia

Had Rip Van Winkle woken up his famous nap today, he’d be shocked by all the changes around him. At-home genetics tests, personal drones, driverless cars, lab-grown meats, and 3D-printed prosthetic limbs are just some of the amazing innovations that would boggle his mind. New devices and services are flying at us so rapidly that we sometimes forget that most did not even exist a short time ago. Continue reading →

FCC Chairman Ajit Pai recently delivered an excellent speech at the Resurgent Conference, Austin, TX. In it, he stressed the importance of adopting a permissionless innovation policy vision to ensure a bright future for technology, economic growth, and consumer welfare. The whole thing is worth your time, but the last two paragraphs make two essential points worth highlighting.

Pai correctly notes that we should reject the sort of knee-jerk hysteria or technopanic mentality that sometimes accompanies new technologies. Instead, we should have some patience and humility in the face of uncertainty and be open to new ideas and technologies creations.

“Here’s the bottom line,” Pai concludes:

Whenever a technological innovation creates uncertainty, some will always have the knee-jerk reaction to presume it’s bad. They’ll demand that we do whatever’s necessary to maintain the status quo. Strangle it with a study. Call for a commission. Bemoan those supposedly left behind. Stipulate absolute certainty. Regulate new services with the paradigms of old.

But we should resist that temptation. “Guilty until proven innocent” is not a recipe for innovation, and it doesn’t make consumers better off. History tells us that it is not preemptive regulation, but permissionless innovation made possible by competitive free markets that best guarantees consumer welfare. A future enabled by the next generation of technology can be bright, if only we choose to let the light in.

Read the whole thing here. Good stuff. I also appreciate him citing my work on the topic, which you can find in my last book and other publications.

A government appeal of a court decision approving AT&T’s acquisition of Tim Warner is a joke.  But maybe it is not surprising when you consider what AT&T management has been up to.

AT&T used to be a power house in Washington.  It now can’t seem to lobby it’s way out of a brown paper bag.

AT&T’s longtime chief representative in Washington—Jim Ciccone—was brilliant.  AT&T’s managers and investors have no idea how much Ciccone accomplished on their behalf. His successor—Pat Quinn—was a brilliant regulatory lawyer.  Quinn was absolutely the best person that could possibly represent you before the Federal Communications Commission.  Unfortunately, Quinn couldn’t see the big picture, and he flamed out as Ciccone’s succesor.

I have no idea who represents AT&T in Washington at this time.  As a shareholder, I believe AT&T management is negligent.

It is no surprise to me that the Department of Justice is appealing the court decision approving the AT&T/Time Warner merger—because AT&T is AWOL in Washington.

P.S. I want to credit my former boss, former Senator Bob Packwood of Oregon–chairman of the Senate Commerce Committee in the early 80’s–for the brown paper bag metaphor.  He didn’t apply it to AT&T, but I think it fits now.