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Andrew Orlowski of The Register (U.K.) recently posted a very interesting essay making the case for treating online copyright and privacy as essentially the same problem in need of the same solution: increased property rights. In his essay (“‘Don’t break the internet’: How an idiot’s slogan stole your privacy“), he argues that, “The absence of permissions on our personal data and the absence of permissions on digital copyright objects are two sides of the same coin. Economically and legally they’re an absence of property rights – and an insistence on preserving the internet as a childlike, utopian world, where nobody owns anything, or ever turns a request down. But as we’ve seen, you can build things like libraries with permissions too – and create new markets.” He argues that “no matter what law you pass, it won’t work unless there’s ownership attached to data, and you, as the individual, are the ultimate owner. From the basis of ownership, we can then agree what kind of rights are associated with the data – eg, the right to exclude people from it, the right to sell it or exchange it – and then build a permission-based world on top of that.”

And so, he concludes, we should set aside concerns about Internet regulation and information control and get down to the business of engineering solutions that would help us property-tize both intangible creations and intangible facts about ourselves to better shield our intellectual creations and our privacy in the information age. He builds on the thoughts of Mark Bide, a tech consultant:

For Bide, privacy and content markets are just a technical challenges that need to be addressed intelligently.”You can take two views,” he told me. “One is that every piece of information flowing around a network is a good thing, and we should know everything about everybody, and have no constraints on access to it all.” People who believe this, he added, tend to be inflexible – there is no half-way house. “The alternative view is that we can take the technology to make privacy and intellectual property work on the network. The function of copyright is to allow creators and people who invest in creation to define how it can be used. That’s the purpose of it. “So which way do we want to do it?” he asks. “Do we want to throw up our hands and do nothing? The workings of a civilised society need both privacy and creator’s rights.”  But this a new way of thinking about things: it will be met with cognitive dissonance. Copyright activists who fight property rights on the internet and have never seen a copyright law they like, generally do like their privacy. They want to preserve it, and will support laws that do. But to succeed, they’ll need to argue for stronger property rights. They have yet to realise that their opponents in the copyright wars have been arguing for those too, for years. Both sides of the copyright “fight” actually need the same thing. This is odd, I said to Bide. How can he account for this irony? “Ah,” says Bide. “Privacy and copyright are two things nobody cares about unless it’s their own privacy, and their own copyright.”

These are important insights that get at a fundamental truth that all too many people ignore today: At root, most information control efforts are related and solutions for one problem can often be used to address others. But there’s another insight that Orlowski ignores: Whether we are discussing copyright, privacy, online speech and child safety, or cybersecurity, all these efforts to control the free flow of digitized bits over decentralized global networks will be increasingly complex, costly, and riddled with myriad unintended consequences. Importantly, that is true whether you seek to control information flows through top-down administrative regulation or by assigning and enforcing property rights in intellectual creations or private information.

Let me elaborate a bit (and I apologize for the rambling mess of rant that follows).

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Sometimes free-marketeers are branded “free market fundamentalists” or something similar by their ideological opponents. The implication is that our preference for a society in which free people interact voluntarily to organize society’s resources is an irrational desire or a religion. I’m sure there’s a similar epithet we give to nanny staters—oh, there’s one, “nanny staters”—who we believe to have excessive faith in government solutions.

Market processes have decent theoretical explanations, such as Friedrich Hayek’s essay, “The Use of Knowledge in Society.” It’s not the easiest read, but lovers of the Internet, who see the genius of its decentralization, should see similar genius in markets as a method for discovering society’s wants and uniting to achieve them—without coercion.

From time to time, we also point out examples of how market processes work to deliver even intangible goods like privacy. So, for example, I noted market pressure against Facebook’s privacy-invasive “beacon” advertising system in 2007. Berin pointed out in 2008 that market forces caused Google to remove an oppressive clause from the Chrome end user license agreement. Google competitor Cuil made a run at the search behemoth based on privacy that year, something I noted briefly then (and Ryan and I discussed in the comments). I’ve also noted the failure of many to find true market failures.

As Cuil illustrates, not every privacy play works, but companies routinely pitch the public on the privacy merits of their products and the demerits of others’. It’s not a highly visible process, but it sometimes gets a little more visible when it fails. So thank you, Facebook, for a big #FAIL in the privacy competition area this week. You provide us a nice lesson in one of the ways markets work to meet consumer privacy demands.

You see, Facebook hired PR firm Burson-Marsteller to do a whisper campaign on the privacy demerits of a Google product called Social Circle. By pushing the story of privacy problems with a Google effort in the social networking space, Facebook hoped to thwart a competitor that it fears. Success would also be a success for privacy protection. If Google were doing something wrong, and Facebook were to make the case to the public, Google would lose face and it would lose business. Most importantly, a privacy-invasive product—as determined by public consensus—would recede. Markets often work by silently shunning products that don’t cut it. (Again, hard to see if you’re not looking for it, or if you’re committed to disbelieving it.)

Facebook appears not to have succeeded. Prickly privacy advocate Chris Soghoian outed the Burson-Marsteller campaign. Dan Lyons of the Daily Beast cornered Facebook into confessing its role in the attack on Google. And privacy commentator Kashmir Hill gives the privacy issues with Social Circle a “meh.”

When it happens differently, you get a change in a service like Social Circle—the way Facebook changed “beacon” and Google changed the Chrome EULA. These are anecdotes, and they reflect but one element of the market processes that shape products and services. But it’s something that “market denialists” should consider as they dig deep to explain to themselves and others how various mechanisms in our society work.

You have to read all the way to the end to get exactly what the New York Times is getting at in its Sunday editorial, “Netizens Gain Some Privacy.”

Congress should require all advertising and tracking companies to offer consumers the choice of whether they want to be followed online to receive tailored ads, and make that option easily chosen on every browser.

That means Congress—or the federal agency it punts to—would tell authors of Internet browsing software how they are allowed to do their jobs. Companies producing browser software that didn’t conform to federal standards would be violating the law.

In addition, any Web site that tailored ads to their users’ interests, or the networks that now generally provide that service, would be subject to federal regulation and enforcement that would of necessity involve investigation of the data they collect and what they do with it.

Along with existing browser capabilities (Tools > Options > Privacy tab > cookie settings), forthcoming amendments to browsers will give users more control over the information they share with the sites they visit. That exercise of control is the ultimate do-not-track. It’s far preferable to the New York Times‘ idea, which has the Web user issuing a request not to be tracked and wondering whether government regulators can produce obedience.

[I got enough push-back to a recent post arguing the existence of market nimbleness in the browser area that I’m unsure of the thesis I expressed there. The better explanation of what’s going on may be that regulatory pressure is moving browser authors and others to meet the peculiar demands of the pro-regulatory community. The reason they have waited to act until now is because they do not perceive consumers’ interests to be met by protections against tailored advertising. The question of what meets consumers’ interests won’t be answered if regulation supplants markets, of course.]

I was just digging through some old files and came across a quote that I found entertaining. Back in 2003, when he was still president and chief operating officer of Viacom, Mel Karmazin said with reference to Microsoft, AOL-Time Warner, and Comcast:  “I can’t imagine being a competitor with any of these guys.”  At the time, some media worrywarts made great hay of Mel’s quip and claimed, as Gene Kimmelman of Consumers Union argued at the time, that it proved how “Media moguls themselves admit their desire to avoid real competition within their industry.”

Utter rubbish. In fact, just six years after Karmazin spoke those words, Microsoft finds itself in a heated war with Google on all fronts, AOL-Time Warner has crumbled (even Time Warner Cable and Time Warner Entertainment got divorced!), and Comcast is now squaring off against telco and online video competitors that were unfathomable at the time (not to mention traditional satellite TV competitors.)  In the meanwhile, Karmazin abandoned Viacom and today, as CEO of Sirius XM, is struggling to find a way to make the satellite radio universe survive the ongoing digital music bloodbath thanks to unforeseen competition from online music services and a little thing called the iPod!

It’s proof positive that media markets and digital technologies always evolve faster than most people — even smart industry titans like Karmazin — anticipate.

From the satirical Book Titles if They Were Written Today:

Then: The Wealth of Nations NowInvisible Hands: The Mysterious Market Forces That Control Our Lives and How to Profit from Them

Funny how empowering consumers to choose for themselves is “manipulative.” Oh, right, I forgot: people are stupid and/or lazy, so so elites should chose for them!

One of the reasons that so many of us here take issue with proposals to expand regulation of communications, broadband, and media markets is because we have studied the horrendous inefficiencies of economic regulation in practice. We oppose regulatory proposals not because of a “blind faith” in free markets, but because we understand that even when markets stumble they correct themselves quicker and more efficiently than regulatory systems do. One can profess the supposed theoretical benefits of enlightened “public interest” regulation all they want, but the facts are the facts. And the facts do not support the proposition that government regulation generally enhances consumer welfare.

In that regard, Tim Lee’s new Net neutrality report for Cato does a nice job of surveying some of the past unintended consequences of regulation. Also, even though it is now 10 years old, I highly recommend “Economic Deregulation and Customer Choice” by Jerry Ellig and Robert Crandall. It’s an outstanding overview of why economic regulation of various industries failed consumers so miserably in the past.

But if you want even more shocking proof of how horrendously inefficient communications regulation can be in practice, then you must read my PFF colleague Barbara Esbin’s two essays this week on the Universal Service Fund (USF): “The High Cost of USF Support,” and “More FCC Support Fund Follies.” In these two essays, Esbin walks the reader through various grim reports and statistics that have been released recently documenting the failures of the USF.

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Information Week has an article in its September 29th issue that illustrates why regulatory interventions to temper Google’s dominance are folly – things like antitrust scrutiny of the Yahoo! deal. But it takes a little understanding of how markets work.

The article lists all kinds of innovative startups that plan to challenge Google and take the field of search in all kinds of new directions. “The burst of activity over the past 12 months is more befitting a land rush than a market dominated by one powerhouse,” it says. Read it. There’s lots of interesting stuff going on.

But it’s not going just because. It’s going on because there’s a dominant player in the market. It’s going on because venture capitalists, innovators, and entrepreneurs can see the large profit that Google is making, and they want a piece of it. Excess profits act as an invitation and a spur to others, bringing new businesses and business ideas to that market.

If profits are “managed” and “brought under control” by curtailing a company’s ability to make deals (like Google would make with Yahoo!), that signal – that there is money to be made here – dissipates. Fewer innovators come to the market.

A second signal also goes out: “If you come up with something truly revolutionary in this field, we’re going to reward you with a haircut.” That dissuades investors – telling them that high profits will not come to them if they produce something great.

It’s a shame that the federal government is working to stanch the flow of innovation coming to search by going after Google.