I sometimes enjoy picking nits with or lampooning our friend Scott Cleland, but today write to point out what an excellent job he did of advocating against net neutrality regulation last week on the NewsHour.

The set-up piece is interesting because of its government-centric take. Net neutrality, it says, is “a set of principles adopted by the Federal Communications Commission in 2005 that limits the ability of Internet providers to treat sites differently.”

The better view, I think, is that neutrality is one of “a set of technical principles that have been implicit in [the Internet’s] design since it began life.” Hey, NewsHour, giving the FCC credit for the neutral engineering of the Internet is like giving the rooster credit for the sunrise.

There’s a telling omission in the NewsHour’s telling of the Comcast Kerfuffle. See if you catch it:

The case began with actions by Comcast in 2007 to interfere with an online service called BitTorrent, a file-swapping site that allows consumers to swap movies and other material over the Internet, files that use a great deal of bandwidth. The FCC then told Comcast it could not block subscribers from using BitTorrent under the commission’s net neutrality rules.

Left out: Comcast had ceased interfering with BitTorrent before the FCC acted due to a variety of market pressures.

But take a look at the piece and Scott’s good advocacy in the discussion that follows the set-up:

Gigi Sohn, who I personally respect and who I agree with on many issues, reaches a bit far when she argues that Comcast degraded BitTorrent because it was a file-sharing site “unpopular with some folks in Congress and some folks elsewhere.” Collapsing net neutrality regulation and intellectual property issues may be good for Public Knowledge’s base, but it confuses many issues and weakens Public Knowledge’s arguments and support.

I think the record is pretty clear that Comcast degraded BitTorrent because of a conflict between the BitTorrent protocol and the DOCSIS protocol running on Comcast’s cable plant. (I know I can rely on comments to correct me or bring nuance to this claim.)

Neutrality was not a gift from government, and I don’t think making a mandate of a good engineering principle will improve the functioning of the Internet or the Internet ecosystem.

I don’t place a lot of stock in polls… until they confirm what I have long believed, that is! According to this new poll by Rasmussen Reports, 53% of Americans oppose FCC regulation of the Internet. Specifically, in response to the question, “Should the Federal Communications Commission regulate the Internet like it does radio and television?” the breakdown was: 27% =Yes, 53% = No, 19% = Not sure.

But here’s what is more interesting. The 27% of “yes” votes represents a stunning 22-point drop in support for federal regulation of the Internet since a June 2008 poll by Rasmussen, which asked the exact same question. Now, what has changed since 2008 that might have led to such rapidly declining support for Net regulation? Could it have had something to do with the FCC’s ambitious plan to centrally plan broadband markets via its 376-page National Broadband Plan? Or its incessant crusade to impose burdensome Net neutrality regulations, which could decimate investment and innovation?

No, I think what really must be to blame for this sudden public uprising against the FCC was Chairman Julius Genachowski’s alliance with the evil Elmo. People have had enough of the little red demon. That’s my theory and I’m stickin’ to it.  I mean, after all, from what my friends on the Left tell me, the American people are just dying to get Net neutrality regulations on the books and have a massive infusion of taxpayer support for Soviet-style broadband plans and media bailouts.  So clearly those things just can’t be driving this sudden public skepticism about the FCC, right?  It must be Elmo.

Public Wants Less Net Regulation

Several years ago at a conference on universal telecommunications service, one panel moderator noted, “Everything that can be said about universal service has already been said, but not everybody has had a chance to say it, so that’s why we still have these conferences.” After hearings and a study by the Federal Trade Commission, a Federal Communications Commission Notice of Inquiry during the previous administration, the National Broadband Plan, the FCC’s still-open Open Internet proceeding, and Wednesday’s extension of the reply comment period in the Open Internet proceeding, net neutrality is starting to have the same vibe.

That’s why, instead of virtually killing some more virtual trees by writing more lengthy comments and replies, Jerry Brito and I signed onto a declaration by telecommunications researchers which explains that there is no empirical evidence of a systemic problem that would justify net neutrality rules, and these rules might actually ban practices that benefit consumers. Since the world probably doesn’t need another blog post rehashing arguments about this issue, I’ll simply point you to the comment here. It was masterfully written by economist Jeff Eisenach, a veteran of the Federal Trade Commission. (The teeming throngs of humanity who are curious to know whether Jerry and I have any original thoughts to contribute to the issue can read this CommLaw Conspectus article.)

Now that I’ve gotten the shameless self-promotion out of the way, let me MoveOn to a broader point. The debate over net neutrality illustrates how important it is to identify and demonstrate the nature of the problem before trying to solve it.  This applies whether the issue is net neutrality or health care or financial market regulation. Two points in particular bear repeating.

First, ensure that there is empirical evidence of a system-wide problem. The arguments for net neutrality are based on concerns about things the broadband companies might have the ability to do – not empirical proof of widespread abuses that have actually occurred. Less than a handful of famous anecdotes support the argument for net neutrality. Sweeping, systemwide policy changes should only occur when a sweeping, systemwide problem actually exists.

Second, understand the actual nature of the problem. Have a coherent theory of cause and effect that explains why the problem occurs with reasoning that is consistent with what we know about human behavior. Ignoring this point has led to some odd decisions on issues far afield from net neutrality. In 2009, for example, the Department of Energy proposed energy efficiency standards for clothes washers to be used in laundromats and apartment buildings. The justification for the regulation assumed that greedy business owners and landlords willfully ignored opportunities to earn higher profits by investing in energy-efficient appliances! One might argue about whether consumers always identify and act on opportunities to save energy, but assuming that businesses will ignore opportunities to save money is a much bigger stretch.

If you don’t get the problem right, you won’t get the solution right!

So reports the Internet Freedom Coalition, debunking a variety of shrillitudes from advocates who want the government to regulate the Internet.

And the American Legislative Exchange Council has joined a chorus of support for the D.C. Circuit’s decision upholding the rule of law in the regulatory environment.

REAL ID continues its long, slow failure. The federal government’s national ID plans continue to bash against the shoals of state and popular opposition.

Late last month, the governor of Utah signed H.B. 234 into law. The bill prohibits the Utah driver license division from implementing REAL ID. That brings to 25 the number of states rejecting the national ID law, according to the Tenth Amendment Center.

And the state of Nevada, one of few states that had been working to get in front of REAL ID, is reconsidering. With wait times at Las Vegas DMVs reaching two to four hours, the legislature may soon allow a temporary REAL ID implementation measure signed last year to lapse—this according to the Ely (NV) News.

Congress has attempted to circumvent the growing state opposition to REAL ID with the now-stalled PASS ID legislation. It basically would rename REAL ID so as to nullify the many state resolutions and laws barring implementation of the national ID law because they refer to the May 2005 “REAL ID” law specifically.

But PASS ID is the same national ID, it has all the privacy issues of REAL ID, and its costs would be as great or greater than REAL ID.

That doesn’t mean national ID supporters in Congress won’t try to sneak the REAL ID revival bill into law sometime later this year, of course . . .

Here are two radio programs that took place today discussing the ramifications of this week’s Comcast v. FCC decision. The first was today’s Diane Rehm Show on NPR and it featured Ben Scott of Free Press, Amy Schatz of The Wall Street Journal, and Kyle McSlarrow of the National Cable and Telecommunications Association (NCTA).  I can’t embed it directly here but you can listen to the hour-long show here.

The second program was on KQED – San Francisco’s “Forum with Michael Krasny.” It featured Declan McCullagh of CNET.com, Art Brodsky of Public Knowledge, Eric Klinker, president and CEO of BitTorrent, and me. You can listen to this hour-long debate by clicking below.

Well, you got it!  Here’s a essay of mine that The Daily Caller ran today discussing the ramifications of the decision.

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Internet freedom got a reprieve Tuesday when the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia slapped down a brazen attempt by the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) to ignore the rule of law and begin imposing onerous regulations on broadband network operators. The decision, Comcast v. FCC, deals with arcane matters of regulatory agency jurisdiction, but the stakes were profound and the ramifications for the future of the Internet will reverberate for years to come.

In a nutshell, the FCC argued it had the right to impose so-called “Net neutrality” regulations on a private broadband operator based merely on a handful of principles that the agency had previously said it would not be enforcing as law. Net neutrality regulations would put FCC bureaucrats in the Internet’s driver’s seat and let them determine what was “just and reasonable” of private networks. Critics have rightly feared that Net neutrality sounded all too much a Fairness Doctrine for the Internet since similar language had been used in the broadcast era to justify all sorts of FCC meddling and micromanagement.

Regardless, the FCC’s original position—that its Net neutrality principles were only principles and nothing more—made sense since even a high school civics student can tell you that only Congress can make laws. Moreover, for a brief time, even the FCC seem to realize that laws that would comprehensively regulate such an important sector of the American economy, as Net neutrality rules would, almost certainly require our elected leaders in Congress to reopen and tweak existing statutes like the Telecommunications Act of 1996. After all, Congress had never authorized wide-reaching regulation of the Net or broadband networks, and so, if the agency wanted to extend its regulatory tentacles and wrap them around the Internet it only seems reasonable they get the blessing of lawmakers before doing so. And, for a time, the FCC stuck to a “Hands Off the Net” approach.

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Yesterday, if you paid attention reeeeally carefully (1, 2, 3, 4), you probably figured out the D.C. Circuit had ruled that Congress hadn’t given the Federal Communications Commission power to regulate the Internet and that the FCC couldn’t bootstrap that power from other authority. It was a rare but welcome affirmation that the rule of law might actually pertain in the regulatory area.

But the Open Internet Coalition put out a release containing threat exaggeration to make Dick Cheney blush:

“Today’s DC Circuit decision . . . creates a dangerous situation, one where the health and openness of broadband Internet is being held hostage by the behavior of the major telco and cable providers.”

That’s right. It’s a hostage-taking when consumers and businesses—and not government—hammer out the terms and conditions of Internet access. Inferentially, the organization representing Google, Facebook, eBay, and Twitter believes that Internet users are too stupid and supine to choose the Internet service they want.

What these content companies are really after, of course, is government support in their tug-of-war with the companies that transport Internet content. It’s hard to know which produces the value of the Internet and which should gain the lion’s share of the rewards. Let the market—not lobbying—decide what reward content and transport deserve for their roles in the Internet ecosystem.

As I said of the Open Internet Coalition’s membership on a saltier, but still relentlessly charming, day: “[T]hese companies are losing their way. The leadership of these companies should fire their government relations staffs, disband their contrived advocacy organization, and get back to innovating and competing.”

In the wake of yesterday’s ruling in the D.C. Circuit that the FCC had exceeded its authority in attempting to regulate access to the Internet, I did a number of radio interviews and a radio debate with Derek Turner of Free Press, a leading advocate of Internet regulation.

The debate was a brief, fair exchange of views. I was struck, though, to hear Turner refer to the situation as a “crisis.” Sure enough, in a Free Press release, Turner says three times that the ruling creates a “crisis.”

Recall that in 2007 Comcast degraded the service it provided to a tiny group of customers using a bandwidth-hogging protocol called BitTorrent. Recall also that before the FCC acted, Comcast had stopped doing this, relenting to customer complaints, negative attention in news stories, and such.

In the wake of the D.C. Circuit ruling and the crisis it has created, Internet users can expect the following changes to their Internet service: None.

Wow. With crises like these, who needs tranquility?

“As a result of this decision, the FCC has virtually no power to stop Comcast from blocking Web sites,” the release intones.

That would be worrisome, though still not much of a crisis—except that Comcast would be undercutting its own business by doing that. Did you know also that no federal regulation bars people from burning their furniture in the backyard? That’s the same kind of problem.

As Tim Lee points out in his paper, “The Durable Internet,” consumer pressures are likely in almost all cases to rein in undesirable ISP practices. Computer scientist Lee presents examples of how ownership of communications platforms does not imply control. If an ISP persists in maintaining a harmful practice contrary to consumer demand—and consumers can’t express their desires by switching to another service—we can talk then.

In the meantime, this “crisis” has me slightly drowsy and eager to go outside and enjoy the spring weather.

The Federal Communications Commission keeps grabbing and the judges keep slapping its hands.

The big news today is that a federal appeals court has ruled the FCC has no legal authority to regulate the Internet. This throws the entire FCC broadband policy agenda into turmoil.

The decision, by the United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit, concerns sanctions the FCC imposed on Comcast after the cable company slowed down the rate of transfer for certain peer-to-peer files using the BitTorrent protocol. Although Comcast and BitTorrent settled the dispute, the FCC nonetheless sought to fine Comcast for violating the FCC’s network neutrality guidelines against content discrimination. Comcast sued, claiming it had the right to manage its own network to serve the interest of the 95 percent its customers who don’t use BitTorrent.

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