October 2007


Last Friday, the AP broke the news that Comcast’s network management efforts are blocking certain instances of BitTorrent communications. The revelation sparked much commentary on blogs and in the mainstream media, as well as renewed calls for net neutrality regulation.

Two networking experts join us in the podcast this week to discuss exactly what Comcast is doing and its implications for public policy. The experts are Ed Felten, professor of computer science and public affairs at Princeton University, and Richard Bennett, a network engineer and frequent commenter to the TLF. Also on the show are Adam Thierer of the Progress and Freedom Foundation, James Gattuso of the Heritage Foundation, and Jerry Brito of the Mercatus Center at George Mason University.

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The WP’s Rob Pegoraro has a pretty good take on the Comcast-BitTorrent situation in an online article posted today. Comcast, he says, “would like to be seen as a crossing guard who sometimes must step into a busy intersection to keep pedestrians (customers who just want to get their e-mail) from being mowed down by jerks in speeding SUVs (a few intensive peer-to-peer users).” And that shouldn’t necessarily bother anyone, except that the firm should have been upfront about what it was doing.

The bottom line, according the Pegoraro: “Customers ought to have a simple remedy in these cases. When a telecom company has a problem communicating with them, they should take their business elsewhere,” adding a caveat that there should be a lot more competition.

All in all, a fairly reasonable — and clearly-written — explanation of the whole kerfuffle.

One never knows what to expect from the Consumer Electronics Association’s Gary Shapiro. Last spring, he was caught pointing out that the digital TV emperor wasn’t wearing much (“not everyone really wants free over-the-air broadcasting in their home.”)

Now comes word that he’s challenging a news emperor, CNN’s Lou Dobbs, to a debate on protectionism. “The facts are indisputable—without international trade, our nation would not have the greatest economy in the world,” said Shapiro in a CEA news release. “If we accept messages of fear without acknowledging the facts, we will adopt a defeatist approach that will only hurt our economy and the innovative businesses and talented workers that would otherwise bring more jobs and opportunities to Americans than ever before.”

It’s a publicity stunt of course, but a good one. CEA — which earlier this month launched a new free-trade initiative — has fixed its sights on an important issue. And a Shapiro-Dobbs face-off would be great entertainment to boot. Perhaps not Joe Frazier-Muhammad Ali, but — for policy wonks — pretty close.

No word on whether the debate would be on CNN or ESPN.

Stay tuned.

More good stuff from Ed Felten on the Comcast dispute:

Pretend that you’re the net neutrality czar, with authority to punish ISPs for harmful interference with neutrality, and you have to decide whether to punish Comcast. You’re suspicious of Comcast, because you can see their incentive to bolster their cable-TV monopoly power, and because their actions don’t look like a good match for the legitimate network management goals that they claim motivate their behavior. But networks are complicated, and there are many things you don’t know about what’s happening inside Comcast’s network, so you can’t be sure they’re just trying to undermine BitTorrent. And of course it’s possible that they have mixed motives, needing to manage their network but choosing a method that had the extra bonus feature of hurting BitTorrent. You can ask them to justify their actions, but you can expect to get a lawyerly, self-serving answer, and to expend great effort separating truth from spin in that answer.

Are you confident that you, as net neutrality czar, would make the right decision? Are you confident that your successor as net neutrality czar, who would be chosen by the usual political process, would also make the right decision?

Even without a regulatory czar, wheels are turning to punish Comcast for what they’ve done. Customers are unhappy and are putting pressure on Comcast. If they deceived their customers, they’ll face lawsuits. We don’t know yet how things will come out, but it seems likely Comcast will regret their actions, and especially their lack of transparency.

That final point is important. The alternative we face is not regulation or letting companies do whatever they want. The alternative is regulation vs. a variety of other mechanisms—bad PR, lawsuits, customer defections—that can punish Comcast for bad behavior.

But the market process, like the regulatory process, is a process, and processes take time. In an otherwise excellent piece on Comcast’s dubious explanations for its routing policies, my Ars colleague Eric Bangeman included the a sub-heading “when the market can’t sort things out.” It’s seems to be true that the market hasn’t set things straight yet. But that shouldn’t surprise us. It’s been barely a week since the story broke in the mainstream media.

After all, imagine if the shoe were on the other foot: supposed we had passed Snowe-Dorgan last year and network neutrality were the law of the land. How would the FCC have reacted? Well, Snowe-Dorgan envisions a complaint process with a 90-day response period. So somebody would have had to have filed a complaint (it’s possible this could have been done in late August when the story first hit the tech press), and then the FCC would have needed to investigate and hand down a ruling. That ruling may or may not have gone against Comcast, and if it did go against Comcast it likely would have been challenged in court, delaying compliance by months if not years. So it’s hardly an indictment of the market process that it hasn’t magically made Comcast behave itself after barely a week of negative publicity. If Comcast emerges unscathed in a few months (i.e. few customer defections, no successful lawsuits, and no significant changes in policy) then the “market failure” narrative will be a lot more compelling.

In response to my post two days ago about my new paper on interoperability standards in the cable marketplace, one of our savvy TLF commenters (Eric) made the following argument about how he believed the lack of standardization killed high-def audio:

“In the world of high definition audio, the lack of standardization did not lead to innovation and exciting new services. It led to the languishing of two competing formats, SACD and DVD-Audio. The current fight between two high definition video formats may delay the mass market penetration of any hi-def video disc. Virtually everyone loses. … Freedom is great, but when you need a mass market application, standardization becomes a crucial consideration.”

But another reader (Mike Sullivan) makes an excellent counter-point when he notes:

“Isn’t it also possible that the two HD audio formats have “languished” not because of the fact that there are two competing formats, but because there is limited demand for HD audio recordings at a premium price?”

This is something I happen to know quite a bit about, so I wanted to respond in a separate, detailed post.

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A new Zogby/463 Internet Attitudes poll finds that:

“More than half of Americans believe that Internet content such as video should be controlled in some way by the government. Twenty-nine percent said it should be regulated just like television content while 24% said government should institute an online rating system similar to the one used by the movie industry. In contrast, only 36% said the blocking of Internet video would be unconstitutional. The older you get, the more likely you are to support government restrictions. Only 33% of 18 to 24 year-olds supported government stepping in on content, while 72% of those over 70 years of age support government regulation and ratings.”

This is really troubling to me because almost all my public policy work is devoted to the proposition that the Internet should not be regulated like broadcasting and communications. As the Net continues to rapidly erode the legitimacy or practicality of traditional regulatory systems and institutions, it will increasingly prompt an obvious response from policymakers: We must grow regulation! We must expand the tentacles of the regulatory state to include all those new technologies of freedom! We cannot let people think and act for themselves!

But while we know that’s how policymakers will respond as they see their traditional power over media and communications slipping away, it’s always been less clear to me how average Americans will respond. Will they begin calling for the renewal and extension of the old regulatory standards to new technologies? This new poll suggests that many of them will. That’s troubling because it reinforces what many policymakers want to do. And that’s how we’ll end up with a heavily regulated Internet (taxes, speech controls, Net neutrality regulations, etc, etc.).

As Tom Galvin, a partner with 463, notes: “Some view the Internet as their new best friend, others as an increasingly powerful tool that can infect our youth with harmful images and thoughts and therefore must be controlled. Our challenge as a society is to let the Internet flourish as a dynamic force in our economy and communities while not chipping away at the fundamental freedoms that created the Internet in the first place.”

Amen, brother.

Here’s something cool.

My Web site, WashingtonWatch.com, now has a widget that will allow you to display the voting of site visitors on particular bills.

For example, here’s the tally on H.R. 2821, The Television Freedom Act of 2007:

And here’s one of our favorite bills, H.R. 3773, The RESTORE Act of 2007, which amends the FISA law, possibly giving immunity to telecom companies that broke the law:

As I write this, it has more votes in favor than against. What’s up with you, America?

Get yourself and your neighbors involved, people.

As the days tick down to Halloween — and the formal expiration of the Internet tax moratorium — there’s a strong feeling of deja vu in Washington. It’s like we’ve all been through this before.

We have. In 2004. And 2001. The periodic last-minute extension of the moratorium has become a regular feature of Washington’s political life. Which leads many to wonder: Why not just make the tax ban permanent?

The arguments for restrictions on state and local taxes are strong (they are summarized in a new Heritage Foundation paper just released this week). But still, policymakers seem reluctant to take the plunge toward permanence, with the House voting last week for yet another temporary extension.

Opponents — such as Tennessee’s Lamar Alexander — have argued strenuously against anything more long-lasting. With the Internet changing so quickly, it doesn’t make sense to write Internet tax policy into stone, they argue.

But it’s hard to believe that many are actually convinced by this. After all, with nine years’ experience with the moratorium, this is hardly an experimental policy. And Congress always keeps the option of changing things if the needs arise. Just look at the amount of tinkering that goes on with the rest of the tax code.

So why so much support for yet another temporary suspension? It’s certainly not because Internet taxation is popular — there just aren’t a lot of voters out there demanding more fees on their DSL lines.

Strangely, the problem may be the opposite: The idea of taxing the Internet is unpopular, and members get a boost from voting to ban it. And temporary extensions let them vote to ban it again and again and again. A permanent ban would stop the fun.

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Steven Pearlstein, a business columnist for The Washington Post, has an interesting editorial up today wondering whether Google is the next AT&T, IBM, Intel or Microsoft in the sense that, like those companies, Google might be headed for increased antitrust or regulatory scrutiny based on its marketplace success:

With its proposed purchase of DoubleClick, Google has followed suit in drawing the scrutiny of the competition police, both at home and in Europe. The reason is simple: Like its predecessors, Google shows every sign of pulling away from the pack in a market that naturally tends toward a single, dominant firm.

Pearlstein goes on to explain how Google’s business model works in layman’s terms and then points out why there is little to fear from Google’s proposed acquisition of DoubleClick:

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I mean, some kind of feline, obviously, but what kind? Some kind of wildcat? Something crossed with a domestic? T’ain’t no pixie-bob.

http://www.diesel.pp.net.ua/news/2007-02-15-104