May 2007

Over at my other blog, Brian Moore points out that government idiocy is an international standard. According to a story on Bhutanese officials worrying that their subjects will become restive after seeing a more affluent life on their TV screens:

“Advertisements create desires, which cannot be satisfied by people’s current economic position,” wrote Phuntsho Rapten of the Centre for Bhutan Studies. “Crimes and corruption are often born out of economic desires.”

I can’t top Brian’s retort:

Do you know what else causes desires which cannot be satisfied by people’s current economic position? Being in a really crappy economic position. Gosh, I wonder why those 31.7% of Bhutanese below the poverty line have so many desires? How crass and materialistic of them.

It certainly would be terrible if all those enticing images caused peasants to get restive for political and economic reforms.

Legislation is expected to be introduced in Congress very soon that would regulate television programming deemed to be “excessively violent.” This follows the release of the FCC’s recent report calling on Congress to act and to give the agency the power to regulate such programming on broadcast television and potentially even cable and satellite TV.

In response to these proposals, I wanted to draw your attention to an event that I will be hosting this week as well as a new study (and a few old ones) that PFF has published on this issue:

(1) EVENT THIS FRIDAY: PFF will be hosting a congressional seminar this Friday, May 18 from Noon-1:30 on “The Complexities of Regulating TV Violence.” The event will take place in Rayburn House Office Building , Room B354. Panelists will include:

* Henry Geller, Former General Counsel, Federal Communications Commission
* Robin Bronk, Executive Director, The Creative Coalition
* Robert Corn-Revere, Partner, Davis Wright Tremaine LLP
* Jonathan L. Freedman, Professor of Psychology, University of Toronto and Author, Media Violence and its Effect on Aggression

If you are interested in attending this free seminar, please RSVP here: http://www.pff.org/events/upcomingevents/051807complexitytvviolence.asp

(2) NEW STUDY: PFF has just released a new study, “The Right Way to Regulate Violent TV,” which outlines the many ways parents have to deal with potentially objectionable media content, including violent programming. The 23-page study highlights the many technical and non-technical parental control tools and methods that families can use to tailor video programming to their own needs and values. In the report, I argue that:

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Happy Big Brother Day

by on May 14, 2007 · 2 comments

Bob Hagen from Global Crossing reminds us that as of today, the ISPs are legally required to help the government spy on you, although (so far) only with a court order:

On March 10th, 2004, the Department of Justice, the Federal Bureau of Investigations, and the Drug Enforcement Agency submitted a petition to expand the scope of CALEA to include communications that traverse the Internet (again, at the carriers’ expense). The proposed changes to CALEA were approved in August 2005.

To those law abiding citizens that view this as an Orwellian infringement of their civil liberties, there are tools available that you can use to preserve your privacy and anonymity on the Internet. Since CALEA only addresses the interception of data, it does preclude the use of encryption to transform that data into gibberish. Here are some free tools that utilize strong encryption and are devoid of hierarchical trust models such as PKI:

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Yesterday I highlighted the publication of the transcript from an event I hosted on age verification proposals for social networking sites. Today I want to highlight another excellent event that followed close on the heels of my event and expanded upon several of the issues we discussed that day.

On May 3rd, my friend Tim Lordan, Executive Director of the Internet Education Foundation, hosted a panel discussion on Cap Hill entitled “Just The Facts About Online Youth Victimization.” The event featured the comments of 4 of the leading experts in the field of online child safety, including:

* Dr. David Finkelhor, Director, Crimes against Children Research Center (CCRC), University of New Hampshire
* Dr. Michele Ybarra, President, Internet Solutions for Kids and author of several studies on youth online
* Amanda Lenhart, Senior Research Specialist, Pew Internet & American Life Project
* danah boyd, Researcher, University of California, Berkeley and Fellow, University of Southern California Annenberg Center for Communications

It was an eye-opening discussion that shattered many of the myths driving legislative efforts aimed at regulating Internet sites or activities in the name of protecting children. I strongly encourage you to read the transcript, or just watch the video of the event here. It will change the way you think about these issues.

Julian gives a much-deserved thrashing to this ridiculous op-ed in the Washington Post attacking anonymity on the Internet:

What’s most bizarre about this piece is how incredibly superfluous it seems. Like the idea of accountable discussion forums, where every idea is linked to a verifiable real name? Well, there are plenty of those already. Worried about people “hate-mongering” or calling each other “the vilest names”? There’s no reason a site can’t limit that behavior while preserving pseudonymity, and indeed, so long as there are some people who don’t care about being hateful under their own names, that seems like a better way to address the problem. And the author’s imagination is so grossly impoverished that the only legitimate reason he can imagine to permit the use of a nom de Net is for the protection of whistleblowers, for whom he’ll grant sites ought to make exceptions on a “case-by-case basis.”

Fortunately, this sort of “transparency” has precisely no chance of becoming the general rule, for precisely the same reason the op-ed misapprehends the problem from the outset. Pseudonymous speakers are not “elevated to the podium”—note how the passive voice obfuscates as well as any handle—we elevate or ignore them when we decide what to read, how much credence to give it, and whose views to link and propagate in our own writing. Indeed, the “podium” metaphor—as though the Internet were a big room in which we all sit and listen to whomever’s got the mic for the next five minutes—is a pretty good early warning signal for the cluelessness that pervades the piece. Fora for anonymous speech are common because lots of people like them, because the annoyance of filtering out the boors is, for many of us, dwarfed by the benefit of having the freedom to air your views without worrying about what Bob in HR or Aunt Hortense would think if they came across them on Google. And even though some of the more prominent formerly-pseudonymous bloggers—Jane Galt and Atrios, say—have since ditched their masks, I’d bet theres a significant proportion of both their daily readers who wouldn’t even recognize the names “Megan McArdle” or “Duncan Black.” Why? Because when you’re making a cogent argument based on verifiable facts, supported by links, and with equal openness for others to poke holes in the argument or link contradictory information, the names of the people, names just don’t matter a whole lot. When the ideas and arguments are transparent, identities don’t need to be.

Quite so. One of the things I find odd about these sorts of articles is it’s never clear what we’re supposed to do about them. There are lots of different websites on the Internet, and if there was widespread annoyance over anonymous speech, one assumes that consumers would begin gravitating toward sites with stricter policies. It’s not obvious what’s served by hashing the issue out in the pages of the Washington Post.

Reading through the comments on this post on the economics of open source, I was surprised to find the following comment by Tony Healy of the Institute for Policy Innovation:

Clearly, free software is a big boon to Google and every other large corporation, just as low wages are. But neither provide benefits to programmers. Many advocates of open source actually have explicit open source lobbying roles with corporates, but misrepresent their claims as being in programmers’ interests. That is, their job is to lobby for free inputs.

Unfortunately the progamming profession is young and has no awareness of its own interests, nor consciousness of labour market disciplines that are part of the structure of older professions. Also, the lack of access barriers removes the consciousness of their own value that is implicitly taught to people entering other professions.

I would be fascinated to know what “labor market disciplines” and “barriers” he’s referring to, and which “older professions” he thinks programmers should be emulating. Maybe he thinks programming should be more like the medical profession? Or the real estate industry?

It’s absolutely true that increased competition often drives down the wages of producers in a particular industry. It may very well be that by eliminating barriers to entry in the software profession, free software is exerting downward pressure on wages in the software industry. (although it also makes them more productive, so my guess is that it will actually lead to higher wages in the long run) In either case, it’s bizarre to see somebody from a nominally free-market organization citing the intensely competitive nature of the market for programmers as a problem that needs to be solved. As he himself notes, competition among producers means lower prices for consumers. If that’s the effect free software has on the software industry, isn’t that something we should be celebrating?

Ars Technica reports that an amendment to the FY 2008 Intelligence Authorization Act “upholds the 1978 Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Backed (FISA) as the only means by which to do electronic surveillance—and . . . requires continuous judicial oversight of requests.”

Divided government is a real boon.

Roger Parloff of Forbes Fortune reports that Microsoft is continuing to lay the groundwork to use the patent system as a weapon against the free software movement. Overall, Parloff does a good job of summarizing the dispute, but like most journalists, he lets Microsoft get away with exploiting the public’s ignorance of how the patent system works to create a misleading impression about the conflict:

But now there’s a shadow hanging over Linux and other free software, and it’s being cast by Microsoft (Charts, Fortune 500). The Redmond behemoth asserts that one reason free software is of such high quality is that it violates more than 200 of Microsoft’s patents…

It’s a breathtaking number. (By comparison, for instance, Verizon’s (Charts, Fortune 500) patent suit against Vonage (Charts), which now threatens to bankrupt the latter, was based on just seven patents, of which only three were found to be infringing.) “This is not a case of some accidental, unknowing infringement,” Gutierrez asserts. “There is an overwhelming number of patents being infringed.”

The impression Microsoft wants to give here is that free software is of high quality because it’s copied from Microsoft’s own software. Of course, that’s not true, and I don’t think Microsoft has ever claimed otherwise. But if free software was developed independently, then i’s a non-sequitur to cite free software’s patent infringement as a reason for its high quality.

The problem is that most readers aren’t aware that software patents often cover broad concepts like “wireless email” and “one-click shopping.” And so when they read that free software infringes Microsoft’s patents, they assume that means that the code has somehow been stolen from Microsoft. And Mr. Gutierrez, of course, deliberately exploits that confusion. To anyone who has actually looked at a significant number of software patents, and who’s aware that there are hundreds of thousands of them on the books, it’s not at all implausible that you could infringe 200 patents by accident. But the general public has a wildly romanticized concept of how the patent system works, and so Gutierrez can get away with those kinds of misleading statements.

His claim that the infringement can’t possibly be accidental is also belied by the fact that Microsoft refuses to disclose which patents free software infringes. If Microsoft’s patents are valid, and if free software developers have been infringing them deliberately, then it’s hard to see what the harm would be in publicly revealing which patents are infringing.

In late March, I hosted a congressional seminar entitled “Age Verification for Social Networking Sites: Is It Possible? And Desirable?” I brought together 5 experts in the field to debate the issue, including:

* John Cardillo, President & CEO, Sentinel
* Jay Chaudhuri, Special Counsel to North Carolina Attorney General Roy Cooper
* Raye Croghan, Vice President, IDology, Inc.
* Tim Lordan, Executive Director, Internet Education Foundation
* Jeff Schmidt, CEO, Authis

It was an outstanding discussion and I’m happy to report that the transcript is now available online here. Also, you can listen to the audio from the event here. Also, you can find the big study of mine that we discussed that day here.

Here’s Google’s Global Privacy Counsel Peter Fleischer discussing in more detail Google’s recent laudable decision to anonymize its server logs after 18-24 months. The discussion helps illustrate the diverse interests that must be balanced in choosing how long to maintain information.

It’s often easy to disregard the value that deep wells of raw information have for information-based business. Fleischer explains some of how Google makes use of data to improve its services and protect users. These consumer-beneficial activities must be balanced against the background demand for privacy protection.

Of particular note, of course, is his discussion of the emerging government demands for data retention (some of which conflict with government demands for data destruction). Data retention mandates are outsourced government surveillance, neatly shifting the cost of surveillance to the private sector while avoiding limits on government action like the Fourth Amendment and Privacy Act (in the case of the U.S.). Too put a fine point on it, data retention is bad.

This explication of Google’s thinking is a welcome contribution to public understanding. I did get a little chirping on my B.S. detector where Fleischer says he had talked to privacy activists in developing their plans. I’d like to know which ones. It’s a small enough community that I figure I would have known about it (I say at the risk of sounding self-important).

I’ve been aware in the past of government agencies deluding themselves about taking privacy into consideration because they’ve heard from government contractors selling “privacy enhancing technologies” like immutable audit logs and such. As often as not, this stuff is lipstick on a pig – seeking to make bad surveillance programs acceptable by tacking on complex, fallible privacy protections.

I’m sure Google has done better than that in its consultations with privacy experts. At least, I hope I’m sure.

Update: Nate Anderson at Ars is not nearly so sanguine about Google’s data retention practices and its defense of them.