An ACLU release issued yesterday reports that the Department of Homeland Security is telling state leaders that it will not enforce the REAL ID law.

“In discussions I participated in with the Department of Homeland Security, they were asked point blank, ‘What will happen to states that don’t participate?’” said Maine Secretary of State Matthew Dunlap, who was on the phone call with [DHS Assistant Secretary Richard] Barth. “The response was, ‘Nothing will happen. There will be no penalty. You can still get on a plane.’”
It’s hard to make out why the DHS is saying this and what it means. Most likely, Barth and the DHS are trying to shrink REAL ID down so far that they can convince a substantial number of states to announce compliance so they can claim a “successful program.” Later regulations could then grow it into the national ID it’s meant to be.

The fact that the REAL ID Act has no teeth, of course, means that states can refuse to comply entirely. There’s not even the (long known to be impotent) threat that their residents wouldn’t be able to get on planes.

Whatever the case, the program is in shambles. It would be cool if Congress were to go ahead and admit it, but nothing needs to happen for the last nail to go into REAL ID’s coffin.

Our old friend Declan McCullagh, the dean of high-tech policy journalists, has just posted an excellent column outlining his concerns with the “Do Not Track List” notion that Harper and I blasted yesterday. As usual, Declan says it better than any of us can regarding why this is such a silly and dangerous regulatory proposal:

Nobody’s holding a gun to Internet users’ heads and forcing them to visit Amazon or Yahoo. They do it because they trust those companies to take reasonable steps to protect their privacy. To insist that the feds must step in because a few vocal lobbyists and activists don’t like those steps should be insulting to Americans: it suggests that they’re too simpleminded to make their own decisions about what’s best for them and their families. (It’s similar in principle to price regulation, when special-interest lobbyists insist that prices are too high or too low and must be altered by legislative fiat.) What makes this an even sillier debate is that there already are a wealth of ways to accomplish “Do Not Track” without the feds. This is the third principle of Internet regulation: If technology exists to solve a perceived problem, it’s probably better to encourage its use rather than ask federal agencies for more regulations or demand that the techno half-wits in Congress draft a new law.

Amen, brother. He continues:

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Tomorrow, at Vanderbilt Law School, I’ll join a panel discussion on The Future of Copyright, part of the Journal of Entertainment and Technology Law’s symposium, User-Generated Confusion: The Legal and Business Implications of Web 2.0. My presentation: User-Generated Content, Copyright Policy, and Blockheaded Authors. Rest assured that, though I deploy such phrases as “seizing the means of reproduction” and “the specter of copyism,” that says more about my love of wordplay than it does anything about Marxism. You can download the PowerPoint file here.

[Crossposted to Intellectual Privilege and Agoraphilia..]

Earlier today, Jim Harper raised some valid concerns about the new “Do Not Track List” that some groups are proposing be mandated by the FTC. I’d like to point out another concern with this concept. A mandatory “Do Not Track” registry creates a potentially dangerous precedent / framework for a nationwide mandatory registry of URLs of websites that some policymakers might deem objectionable in other ways beyond just spam. When I first read these two provisions on page 4 of the Do Not Track proposal, I could not help but think of how a savvy Net-censor might use them in an attempt to regulate Internet content in other ways:

“Any advertising entity that sets a persistent identifier on a user device should be required to provide to the FTC the domain names of the servers or other devices used to place the identifier.” ..and… “Companies providing web, video, and other forms of browser applications should provide functionality (i.e., a browser feature, plugin, or extension) that allows users to import or otherwise use the Do Not Track List of domain names, keep the list up-to-date, and block domains on the list from tracking their Internet activity.”

I can easily imagine would-be Net censors using that language as a blueprint to regulate other types of online speech. For example, it could be rewritten as follows [with my additions in brackets]:

“Companies providing web, video, and other forms of browser applications should provide functionality (i.e., a browser feature, plugin, or extension) that allows users to import or otherwise use the [government-approved ] list of domain names, keep the list up-to-date, and block domains on the list [that are harmful to minors].”

Perhaps I’m just being paranoid, but because would-be Net censors have struck out on other regulatory fronts over the past 10 years, they are looking for a new framework. A mandatory Do Not Track List might give them an opening.

When Congress delegates its authority to make laws to unelected regulators, a certain bit of accountability is lost. To make up for this, the Administrative Procedure Act requires regulators to act openly and transparently. They must make publicly available the rules they are considering, must take comments from the public, and must consider these in adopting final rules. As I explain in my new paper, making something publicly available in the Twenty-First Century means putting it online. But merely putting documents online is not enough to be truly transparent. The public has to be able to easily find and access the documents and hopefully also be able to use them in the sort of innovative ways the state of the art allows.

In this installment of my series looking at the FCC’s website, we’ll take a look at the Commission’s online docket system. So what’s wrong with it?

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Today and tomorrow, the Federal Trade Commission is conducting a “town hall” meeting on privacy issues and behavioral advertising. Except for ideas being floated that might be actually harmful, this thing should be ignored.

First of all, I always find it a little bit annoying when a federal agency holds what are essentially legislative hearings. There is a Congress – it’s authorized in Article I of the U.S. Constitution. If an issue is important enough to be the subject of national policy, the Congress should look at it, not a federal agency. After all, the federal bureaucracy isn’t listed in the Constitution until . . . um . . . oh! It’s not mentioned in the Constitution at all!

But if you don’t care about government conforming to the rule of law, this issue – ‘behavioral advertising’ – is something like ten years old. Behavioral advertising is just trying to learn Web surfers’ interests and serve them advertising that meets those interests. There are privacy issues there, but they’re not new, or even terribly interesting. One can’t help but assume that the bureaucrats and lobbyists involved in this thing are churning the issue just to maintain their own relevance and budget.

The privacy issues that matter – they did ten years ago, but much more so now – are about privacy from government. Sure, data collected by the private sector can be taken by the government, but that is not a reason to retard the private sector. It demands controls on the government.

Then there are the affirmatively bad ideas. A group of the usual suspects have submitted a proposal for a “Do Not Track” list to the Federal Trade Commission, modeled on the popular “Do Not Call” list that was implemented a few years ago.

The analogy between this two is . . . well, there’s no analogy. “Do Not Call” actually promotes seclusion more than true privacy (which, in its strongest sense, is control of information). The concern with Web tracking is control.

Because of the disanalogy, this kind of thing would not get uptake like Do Not Call did. Tracking is not annoying, so lots of consumers don’t know about it – and therefore aren’t annoyed by it.

Reducing tracking would mean reducing the value of advertising, which would impede Web publishing and the provision of Web services. Shrinking the utility of the Internet does not seem like a good idea.

Then there’s the stuff from the unintended consequences file. A “Do Not Track” infrastructure would easily be converted to censorship, a colleague of mine suggested to me today. And Congress has never seen an Internet censorship law that it wouldn’t pass.

This whole thing is more dumb than dangerous, but I think we’re due a tax refund, and a number of Internet companies could probably downsize their government relations staffs and spending.

Update: Writing earlier, I declined to deride having a “town hall” meeting at a federal agency conference room in Washington, D.C., but just now they began a “roundtable” discussion with panelists seated at a row of square tables facing the audience. What’s the next fiction? That the attendees are “the American people”?

Larry Sanger has an essay touting Citizendium’s accomplishments over the last year. Apparently they’ve amassed a whopping 3,200 articles over the last year, and are adding about a dozen new article per day.

He puts a brave face on this, but it’s really hard to see how this is success. Wikipedia has 2 million articles, about 500 times as many as Citizendium, and it’s growing a lot faster. I decided to check out the articles on a few topics I’m interested, and most of them didn’t exist. No articles on the Cato Insititute, libertarianism, F.A. Hayek, or even copyright. There is an article on Milton Friedman, but it’s extremely short and frankly not very good. Take the first sentence: Friedman didn’t consider himself “a leader of American Conservatism in its libertarian aspect.” He called himself a liberal. The corresponding sentence in Wikipedia is “His political philosophy, which Friedman himself considered classically liberal and consequentialist libertarian, stressed the advantages of the marketplace and the disadvantages of government intervention, strongly influencing the outlook of American conservatives and libertarians.” That’s much more accurate and informative. The Wikipedia article on Friedman is also more than twice as long as the Citizendium article.

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Public Knowledge has proposed some copyright reform principles. I agree with one of them. As for the rest… the “expansion” of copyright law that the proposed reforms are supposed to redress has come about in a context in which traditional enforcement mechanisms for copyright have become almost impossible to use. Given this problem, it is hard to see how the “expansion” as creating an imbalance–rather, it is a result of an imbalance created by technology. Unless one addresses the enforcement problem, one is not really addressing the “expansion” problem.

I do agree that music licensing needs work (proposal 4).

Re 1) Expanding fair use to include personal use etc. would create an exemption that would swallow almost all of copyright law.

Re 2) Why undermine the growth in licensing services since Sony was clarified and updated in Grokster? That is what a codification of the vast oversimplication of letting all and any “substantial non-infringing uses” behind a protective wall would do. If one is fond of the Sony case, one had better read the whole thing–and be aware of what it doesn’t hold, and it’s qualifications. If the law doesn’t keep up with technology, well, it can’t maintain balance very well.

Re 3) How about comparable penalties for overstating the rights of fair use? Or their importance? Or their role in the economy?

Re 5) Presumably consumers would get notice of contractual limits if they read the contracts… This no more needs to be legislated than any other aspect of the terms of sale. I do expect that market forces will continue to lead to improvements–there is room for those. In the end, though, what gets put front and center on the packaging ought to be determined by demand. Wrapping the entire package in fine print about what the technology can and can’t do (you can’t play it backwards like a movie reel… etc. etc.) is not likely to help anyone. It won’t get read.

A letter signed by a number of groups nationwide, opposing the current reforms.

And Claude Barfield and John Calfee weigh in via the Wall Street Journal Online (subscription required). They argue among other things:

Before rushing to enact major changes, Congress should remember that its past reforms have often spawned new problems. For example, the Court of Appeals for the Federal Circuit, a specialized intellectual property court, was created in 1982 in order to centralize judicial decisions on patents and end forum-shopping. It accomplished that, by and large — but at the cost of producing a court, peopled largely by patent attorneys, that instinctively sided with patent holders, strengthened patent protection, lowered the bar for inventiveness (“non-obviousness” in patent-law jargon), and paved the way for large damages against alleged patent infringers.

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Bloggingheads.tv

by on October 31, 2007 · 4 comments

The media business in general and punditry in particular are currently seeing an explosion of clever new ways to deliver content. One of the most intriguing is bloggingheads.tv, a “diavlog,” meaning a blog featuring videos of pairs of talking heads. For example, my friend Will Wilkinson had a fascinating discussion with BH.tv founder Robert Wright about libertarianism and what’s wrong with Ron Paul. (Incidentally, everything Will says about Paul is true, but he’s still head and shoulders above the other candidates)

What prompted me to plug them here, though (aside from the shameless hope that sucking up to them will land me an invitation to participate) is that they’ve recently had a significant technology upgrade. They ditched the irritating WMP-based format they had before and replaced it with a Flash-based video player. Meaning that at least Mac users can watch videos without having to install proprietary plugins. (Linux users might still be screwed). They’ve also introduced “dingalinks,” which are permalinks for video. Awesome.

But best of all, they’ve added a feature that lets you watch videos at 1.4 times normal speed. That means I can watch Bob and Will have 75 minutes of conversation in 54 minutes. It’s absolutely fantastic. The biggest flaw with video-based blogging is that it takes so long to watch videos. I can read faster than most people can talk, so it’s an incredibly wasteful way to consume punditry. However, it turns out that people are perfectly understandable speaking at 1.4 times their normal speed. So I saved 20 minutes at the cost of Will’s voice being slightly squeakier than normal.

They post interesting discussions from insightful people several times a week, so I encourage you to check them out.