Antitrust & Competition Policy

MEMPHIS, Tenn., January 13, 2007–A new House subcommittee chaired by Rep. Dennis Kucinich, D-Ohio, will turn its oversight to a range of government agencies, particularly the Federal Communications Commission, Kucinich announced here on Friday night.

Kucinich, a 2004 candidate for the Democratic presidential nomination who stated his intention to run again in 2008, said that his committee will hold holdings criticizing the FCC on the issue of media ownership.

In a speech before the National Conference for Media Reform here, unexpected visitor Kucinich announced his chairmanship of the Domestic Policy Subcommittee of the House Government Reform Committee.

The new subcommittee, Kucinich said in the speech, would be a platform to hold “hearings to push media reform right at the center of Washington.”

“You are the message,” he said to the cheering crowd.

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Elsewhere on the Web…

by on January 8, 2007 · 4 comments

As usual, my co-bloggers are falling down on the job when it comes to tooting their own horns. First, James Gattuso has an interesting article over at The American on AT&T’s concessions in the BellSouth merger:

Even those who favor net neutrality should be upset that this rule was imposed through the backdoor of the FCC, after failing to gain acceptance through Congress’s front door. Backdoor policymaking hurts the public, as the checks and balances of the normal policymaking process are short-circuited. More directly, hijacking merger reviews to alter policy hurts firms and their customers–instead of a fair review on the merits, transactions are held hostage to political whims. Will this become a precedent for future FCC reviews? Perhaps not–this case may be unique. But don’t count on it.

And on Cato’s website, here’s an MP3 of Jim Harper discussing his recent paper on data mining and government surveillance. If you haven’t had time to read the paper, here’s a chance to get a 5-minute summary in podcast format.

The FCC finally approved a long-overdue reform of anticompetitive video franchise rules by a vote of 3-2 after nearly a year of study. An Order will be issued sometime within six months. Grasping local officials won’t be able to drag out negotiations over franchise agreements with video service providers until the exhausted applicants capitulate to legal blackmail, a process which sometimes takes a year or two. Now, the negotiations will have to be completed within 90 days.

The deregulatory milestone is a victory for consumers, who will benefit from more rapid investment in competitive video offerings by AT&T and Verizon. It will also further reduce the possibility that broader telecom reform legislation will move through the next Congress, meaning fewer options to enact net neutrality regulation or pump up the current unsustainable universal service regime (which could lead to further taxation of Internet traffic).

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What Should McDowell Do?

by on December 14, 2006 · 2 comments

An interesting ethical dilemma confronts FCC Commissioner Robert M. McDowell, who could decide the fate of the AT&T/BellSouth merger.

It may not entirely be McDowell’s fault that the merger is languishing at the FCC despite the fact the Antitrust Division of the Department of Justice has already concluded it poses no significant threat to competition. After all, as McDowell pointed out in a recent statement, his four colleagues managed to approve the recent SBC/AT&T merger without him. But the analogy isn’t useful. Back then, many in Washington thought telecommunications legislation appeared to be moving through Congress and all sides had high hopes for their agendas. Everyone realizes the legislation is now dead, and this merger is the only opportunity on the horizon to enact a net neutrality nondiscrimination principle and prop up the unsustainable CLEC business model. Indications are McDowell doesn’t want to participate; the question is, should he anway?

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The FCC website being what it is (or maybe politics being what they are), an agenda is not yet available for the December 20th meeting of the FCC. All eyes are on this meeting because commissioners (including recently de-recused Commissioner Rpbert McDowell) will vote on the AT&T-Bell South merger. However, it now looks like Chairman Martin is also going to take the opportunity to push through a resolution to the cable franchising proceeding that’s been open since January. According to Multichannel News, Martin has circulated a proposed rule that would require local franchising authorities to act on an application for a franchise within 90 days.

Martin, who waited for cable-franchising reform to fizzle on Capitol Hill before shopping his own plan, said FCC pressure on cities and towns to act promptly would produce several benefits, including spurring broadband deployment and lowering cable bills. The 90-day cap would apply to entities that had existing approval to occupy public rights of way presumably phone companies initiating service and cable incumbents seeking renewal. … Martin, who has circulated his plan among the other four FCC members, would like it voted on at the agency’s Dec. 20 open meeting.

There has been a flurry of activity in the docket for this proceeding, so it looks like it might happen. Not having seen the draft rule, I wonder what happens after the 90 days are up. In our recent law review article and comments to the FCC, Jerry Ellig and I proposed just such a regulatory shot clock. We proposed that if a locality doesn’t make a decision either way on an application, then the franchise would be deemed granted with a set of default terms, which could be set the same terms of the incumbent’s franchise, for example. Anybody seen the draft rule?

Be sure to read “Dairy Industry Crushed Innovator Who Bested Price-Control System” By Dan Morgan, Sarah Cohen and Gilbert M. Gaul, Washington Post Staff Writers Sunday, December 10, 2006; Page A01.

The dairyman’s final comments are particularly worthwhile, when asked if he was bitter.

HONG KONG, December 5, 2006–The convergence of telecommunications and media is posing problem for communications regulators all over the world, and many of them swapped stories here about the best way to cope with rapid technological change.

Most government panelists participating in two morning sessions at the International Telecommunications Union’s Telecom World conference here agreed on the need for a unified communications authority.

But they differed after whether competition policy could prove adequate to dealing with issues of telecommunications and media. In other words, would the need for communications regulation fade over time?

Officials from France and Hong Kong are both in the midst of re-evaluating their existing regulatory structures, which include two separate agencies. In each case, one agency is charged with overseeing broadcasting, and the other agency oversees telephone communications.

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HONG KONG, December 4, 2006–Global regulators had a mixed message for the telecommunications industry here on Monday: Governments should ease restrictions on companies in the presence of competition–but otherwise tighten them.

At the opening forum at Telecom World 2006, government officials from China, Hong Kong, the European Commission and International Telecommunications Union delivered a similar message, but with varying degrees of specificity.

Vivian Reding, the European commissioner responsible for information society and media, was the most direct: “Competition and open markets drive investment and innovation. Monopolies don’t.”

Reding and the other regulators spoke here at the triennial conference of the ITU, a hybrid international body based in Geneva, Switzerland, that is part of the United Nations. The union represents telecommunications companies as well as U.N. member states.

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Eight months. That’s how long it has been since AT&T and BellSouth asked the FCC for permission to merge. Although the merger has since been OK’d by the Department of Justice, and by 18 state regulatory commissions, the Commission has yet to act. It’s not that Chairman Kevin Martin hasn’t tried to get this issue decided: three times in the past two months a vote has been scheduled, only to be put off. (The last delay being just a few days before the mid-term election).

The problem is that the Commission is deadlocked–two members supporting the merger, and two opposing it, reportedly insisting that net neutrality and other conditions be imposed.

Putting two and two together, you get four. But wait–the FCC has five members. The fifth, as it turns out is Robert McDowell, the newest member of the commission. McDowell, however, has been recused from the issue, since he previously worked for CompTel, a trade group that opposed the merger.

In an unusual move, Chairman Kevin Martin has asked the FCC’s general counsel to allow McDowell to vote anyway. Such a step would be unusual, but not unprecedented–for instance Democratic chairman Bill Kennard was allowed to vote on an issue in 2000 on which he was otherwise recused. This request isn’t unprecedented–Democratic chairman Bill Kennard, for instance, was allowed to vote in 2000 on a media issue despite the fact that he previously represented broadcasters. Martin argues that, given the stalemate on the merger, McDowell’s vote is necessary to break the logjam.

Conflict of interest rules, of course, shouldn’t be tossed away lightly. Commissioners after all may be prejudiced in favor of the side they used to work for. But this case has an unusual twist: All indications are that despite his previous employers’ position, McDowell would support the merger. Rather than vote with his old employers, McDowell would likely vote against them. There’s little chance that McDowell would be motivated to vote against the merger because of a salary he drew from folks on the other side.

Martin’s request is both bold and sensible. Hopefully, the GC will approve it, and the FCC will finally vote on this long-pending merger.

Joe at Techdirt makes an excellent point about government and monopolies:

Here’s a story that hits on some of today’s themes of monopolistic behavior and keeping stuff off the internet. The Department of Justice has been given the go ahead to proceed with a lawsuit against the National Association of Realtors, alleging that the group colluded to prevent listings from appearing online, in a bid to give established brokers an advantage. Now, we’d be tempted to say that however backwards the organization’s thinking is, they have the right to distribute their data to whomever they want. But we should take a step back and ask why the NAR is in the position to monopolize this information in the first place. That fault rests with the government, which has put the NAR in charge of regulating its industry, and deciding who can and can’t be a broker. In other words, its monopoly has official legal blessing. Without this, anyone could go out and get listings, and abide by whatever rules they wanted to, offerings to broker home sales as efficiently as possible. So instead of suing the NAR, for doing what it’s intended to do (maximize profits for its members) why not get at the root of the problem and take away its monopoly status?

Quite so. We just published an article by my colleague Sarah Brodsky describing how the realtors’ lobby recently got a euphemistically named “Homeowners’ Bill of Rights” passed in Missouri that limits competition by outlawing discount real estate brokers. If you want to pay someone to list your house but do the rest of the legwork of selling the house yourself, that’s too bad. You have to go with a full-service real estate agent.

The state has a split personality when it comes to monopolies and cartels. Most of the time, our elected officials vigorously denounce them and take action to (supposedly) increase competition. However, if they’re created by the government, that’s a whole other ball game. In that case, only crazy right-wingers would suggest that more competition would be beneficial. And sometimes, the state does both at the same time: creating a cartel with its right hand, while its left hand simultaneously investigates the cartel for being anti-competitive. It’s very strange.