Advertising & Marketing

Rep. Jackie Speier introduced legislation today that would require the Federal Trade Commission to establish standards for a “Do Not Track” mechanism and require online data collectors to obey consumer opt-outs through such a tool.

As I’ll explain in more detail in my comments on the FTC’s privacy report (due next Friday), I’ve argued for the last two and half years that user empowering users to make their own choices about online privacy is, in combination with education and enforcement of existing laws, the best way to start adddressing online privacy concerns. In principle, some kind of “Do Not Track” mechanism could be a valuable user empowerment tool.

But actually implementing “Do Not Track” without killing advertising won’t be easy. Just as consumers need to be empowered to make effective privacy choices, so too must publishers of ad-supported websites be able to make explicit today’s implicit quid pro quo: Users who opt-out of tracking might have to see more ads, pay for content and so on.

Government cannot design a “marketplace for privacy” from the top down, nor predict the costs of forcing an explicit quid pro quo. It would be sadly ironic—as Adam Thierer and I pointed out over a year ago—if the same FTC that has agonized so much about the future of journalism wound up killing advertising, the golden goose that has sustained free media in this country for centuries.

The market is evolving quickly here, with two very different “Do Not Track” tools debuting in Internet Explorer 9 and Firefox 4 just this week. Ultimately, it is the Internet’s existing standards-setting bodies, not Congress or the FTC, that have the expertise to resolve such differences and make a “Do Not Track” mechanism work for both consumers and publishers, as well as advertisers and ad networks.

Today the Mercatus Center has released a short new paper I have authored on “Unappreciated Benefits of Advertising and Commercial Speech.”  I begin the piece by noting that:

Federal policy makers, state legislators, and state attorneys general have recently shown interest in regulating commercial advertising and marketing. Several new regulatory initiatives are being proposed, or are already underway, that could severely curtail or restrict advertising or marketing on a variety of platforms. The consequences of these stepped-up regulatory efforts will be profound and will hurt consumer welfare both directly and indirectly.

I go on to note that “advertising can be an easy target for politicians or regulatory activist groups who make a variety of (typically unsubstantiated) claims about its negative impact on society,” but then continue on to explain how “the role of commercial speech in a free-market economy is often misunderstood or taken for granted.” I outline how, despite regulators’ concerns, consumers actually derive three important types of benefits from advertising and marketing: (1) Informational / Educational Benefits; (2) Market Choice / Pro-Competitive Benefits; and (3) Media Promotion / Cross-Subsidization.  After discussing each benefit, I conclude that:

For these reasons, a stepped-up regulatory crusade against advertising and marketing will hurt consumer welfare since it will raise prices, restrict choice, and diminish marketplace competition and innovation—both in ad-supported content and service markets, and throughout the economy at large.  Simply stated, there is no free lunch.

Read the entire 1,800-word essay here.  I have also embedded the document down below in a Scribd reader.

Continue reading →

I laughed out loud when I read the following line in Harlan Yu’s post, “Some Technical Clarifications About Do Not Track“:

“[T]he Do Not Track header compels servers to cooperate, to proactively refrain from any attempts to track the user.”

(Harlan’s a pal, but I’m plain-spoken with friends just like everyone else, so here goes, buddy.)

To a policy person, that’s a jaw-dropping misstatement. An http header is a request. It has no coercive power whatsoever. (You can learn this for yourself: Take 30 minutes and write yourself a plug-in that charges ten cents to every site you visit. Your income will be negative 30 minutes of your time.)

Credit goes to the first commenter on his post who said, “What if they ignore the header? . . . Wouldn’t there also need to be legal penalties in place for violations, in order for this to work? (To encourage advertising companies to put in those lines of code.) Is this in the works?” Continue reading →

I highly recommend this analysis of the Federal Trade Commission’s (FTC) new “Do Not Track” proposal by Ben Kunz over at Bloomberg Businessweek.  In his essay, Kunz, the director of strategic planning at Mediassociates, a media planning and Internet strategy firm, hits many of the major themes we have developed here at the TLF when critiquing the FTC’s plan and privacy regulation more generally. Namely, we live in a world of trade-offs and regulation can have unintended consequences.  Kunz argues that, “while the [FTC] may have consumers’ best interests at heart… the idea has two huge problems”:

1. It won’t stop online ads. While Do Not Call lists kept telemarketers at bay, you’ll still see tons of banners and videos everywhere online. They’ll simply be less relevant.

2. Do Not Track will send billions of dollars to the big online publishers, hurting the little sites you might find most interesting.

The second point is painful. It could really harm you, too, dear consumer, if you read things online other than The New York Times, Bloomberg, or iVillage.com. Why? The “Long Tail” of niche content is going to get crushed. Let’s follow the money. More than $25 billion was spent on U.S. online ads in 2010, according to eMarketer. About $1 billion of this went to behaviorally targeted ads tied closely to user data; nearly $8 billion overall is in some way related to online tracking.

That $8 billion has posed horrible problems for publishers of major websites, such as Bloomberg (this column’s host, for which we don’t work, so we’ll be equally critical of it) or The New York Times. Before tracking came along, such publishers were the only means of reaching a known type of audience. Business people read Businessweek.com while moms read O magazine online and iVillage.com. Like the publications of the past century, a given website has always been a proxy for an audience target. Alas for the big publishers, good data on audiences has meant that smart marketers could leave big, expensive sites behind. So in perhaps the biggest revolution of Internet marketing, the more data you can collect about today’s customers, the cheaper online advertising gets.

Continue reading →

[Here’s an oped of mine that recently ran on Reuters.  Readers will recognize many of these themes and arguments since I have developed them here on the TLF many times before.]

Privacy Regulation and the “Free” Internet

by Adam Thierer, Mercatus Center at George Mason University

Would you like to pay $20 a month for Facebook, or a dime every time you did a search on Google or Bing?  That’s potentially what is at stake if the Obama administration and advocates of stepped-up regulation of online advertising get their way.

The Internet feels like the ultimate free lunch.  Once we pay for basic access, a cornucopia of seemingly free services and content is at our fingertips.  But those services don’t just fall to Earth like manna from heaven.  What powers the “free” Internet are data collection and advertising. In essence, the relationship between consumers and online content and service providers isn’t governed by any formal contract, but rather by an unwritten quid pro quo: tolerate some ads or we’ll be forced to charge you for service.  Most consumers gladly take that deal—even if many of them gripe about annoying or intrusive ads, at times. Continue reading →

Advocates of regulation will credit regulators for the fact that major browser providers Microsoft and Mozilla are going after online “tracking.” In forthcoming versions of their browsers, they will provide controls that protect against unwanted monitoring even better than the controls that now exist.

When consumer advocates cluster in Washington, D.C., asking federal agencies to solve consumer issues, of course, any progress on the issues will be credited to the threat of coercion. But experiments like these have no controls.

Decisions about the qualities of goods and services are made out at the leading edge of consumer demand, where producers work to anticipate developing public interests. Meeting demand after it has been realized is a recipe for business failure because competitors getting there before the others win market share and profits. Laggards are losers.

You can tell when regulators push for something that does not match up with consumer demand as perceived in the business sector. The regulators get nowhere. That would be the FTC’s call a decade ago for a suite of regulations requiring “notice, choice, access, and security.” The current push for “tracking” controls does appear to meet up with consumer demand, and, again, the browser providers are working on it years ahead of what any regulation would have required.

I’ve put “tracking” in scare quotes because the open question is just what anyone means by the word. The report linked above notes a comment from Google, provider of the Chrome browser:

“The idea of ‘Do Not Track’ is interesting, but there doesn’t seem to be consensus on what ‘tracking’ really means, nor how new proposals could be implemented in a way that respects people’s current privacy controls,” said the company…

Maybe Google will be the laggard and loser for not moving on “tracking” as fast as its competitors. That’s one approach, while Microsoft and Mozilla will each take a different tack to the problem. The result will be an experiment that does have controls. The browser provider that meets up with consumer interests, in the consumer-friendliest way, wins. Such would not be the case if a federal regulation—yes, one-size-fits-all—determined what “tracking” was and how browsers or others would provide protection against it.

Marketplace competition will do better than any other known method for determining what “tracking” means to consumers and what to do about it. There is no privacy advocate, there is no technologist, no advocacy group, nor academic who knows what to do here.

The one thing I recommend is that do-not-track efforts should control the content of the header and the domains the browser communicates with. Simply putting a “do-not-track” signal in the header would punt the problem back to regulators and the cadre that surrounds them. This group would come up with something that satisfies itself, the regulatory community, but that does not digest and reconcile actual consumers’ competing interests in privacy, convenience, access to content, and so on.

Earlier today the Commerce Department’s Internet Policy Task Force issued its expected privacy report. Commerce waded into shark-filled privacy waters and produced a report that overall is thoughtful, comprehensive and has lots of meat for strengthening the nation’s privacy framework. Of course, we have our quibbles too. On first read, here’s what I like and what concerns me:

Like:

  • “Dynamic policies”. The report appropriately proposes what it calls “dynamic policies.” We agree that technology and information flows are constantly changing, so a privacy policy regulatory framework should not be static, nor should it be proscriptive.
  • Privacy Policy Office. Because it would be located within Commerce, the office would be a vital advocate for online companies doing business overseas. It could help outreach with European regulators and coordinate certification procedures to enable cross-border data flows.
  • Transparency through purpose specification and use limitation (NOT collection limitation and data minimization). The report proposes consumer assurances principles that would require data collectors to specify all the reasons for collecting personal information and then specify limits on the use of that information. This is a flexible approach compared to proscriptive regulations limiting data collection and requiring data minimization.
  • Encourage Global Interoperability. In our comments, NetChoice advocated strongly for international privacy reciprocation, and where appropriate, harmonization.
  • ECPA Review. We like how the report calls for a review of the Electronic Communications Privacy Act (ECPA). The law is outdated and doesn’t do a good job of clarifying the roles of online companies when responding to law enforcement requests.

Concerns: Continue reading →

Deep in this Washington Post story on dynamic pricing—prices that change based on what online retailers know or guess about individual customers—come these lines:

[A]s much as retailers try to foil bargain shoppers, consumers do hold the upper hand online. Dynamic pricing is easy to counteract. Search multiple sites – including ones that collect prices from across the Internet as well as the sites themselves. Run searches on more than one browser, including one which you have erased cookies. Leave items in a shopping cart for a few days to gin up discount offers.

That makes the rest of the story, and wafting consumer protection concerns with dynamic pricing, a little humdrum. Indeed, it belies the headline: “How Online Retailers Stay a Step Ahead of Comparison Shoppers.”

Even better advice—certainly the simplest—is: Don’t buy what you can’t afford. That is serious consumer protection.

While I harbor plenty of doubts about the wisdom or practicability of Do Not Track legislation, I have to cop to sharing one element of Nick Carr’s unease with the type of argument we often see Adam and Berin make with respect to behavioral tracking here.  As a practical matter, someone who is reasonably informed about the scope of online monitoring and moderately technically savvy already has an array of tools available to “opt out” of tracking. I keep my browsers updated, reject third party cookies and empty the jar between sessions, block Flash by default, and only allow Javascript from explicitly whitelisted sites. This isn’t a perfect solution, to be sure, but it’s a decent barrier against most of the common tracking mechanisms that interferes minimally with the browsing experience. (Even I am not quite zealous enough to keep Tor on for routine browsing.) Many of us point to these tools as evidence that consumers have the ability to protect their privacy, and argue that education and promotion of PETs is a better way of dealing with online privacy threats. Sometimes this is coupled with the claim that failure to adopt these tools more widely just goes to show that, whatever they might tell pollsters about an abstract desire for privacy, in practice most people don’t actually care enough about it to undergo even mild inconvenience.

That sort of argument seems to me to be very strongly in tension with the claim that some kind of streamlined or legally enforceable “Do Not Track” option will spell doom for free online content as users begin to opt-out en masse. (Presumably, of course, The New York Times can just have a landing page that says “subscribe or enable tracking to view the full article.”) If you think an effective opt-out mechanism, included by default in the major browsers, would prompt such massive defection that behavioral advertising would be significantly undermined as a revenue model, logically you have to believe that there are very large numbers of people who would opt out if it were reasonably simple to do so, but aren’t quite geeky enough to go hunting down browser plug-ins and navigating cookie settings. And this, as I say, makes me a bit uneasy. Because the hidden premise here, it seems, must be that behavioral advertising is so important to supplying this public good of free content that we had better be really glad that the average, casual Web user doesn’t understand how pervasive tracking is or how to enable more private browsing, because if they could do this easily, so many people would make that choice that it would kill the revenue model.  So while, of course, Adam never says anything like “invisible tradeoffs are better than visible ones,” I don’t understand how the argument is supposed to go through without the tacit assumption that if individuals have a sufficiently frictionless mechanism for making the tradeoff themselves, too many people will get it “wrong,” making the relative “invisibility” of tracking (and the complexity of blocking it in all its forms) a kind of lucky feature.

There are, of course, plenty of other reasons for favoring self-help technological solutions to regulatory ones. But as between these two types of arguments, I think you probably do have to pick one or the other.

“The do-not-track system could put an end to the technological ‘arms race’ between tracking companies and people who seek not to be monitored.” – David Vladeck, FTC

David Vladeck is right. The Do Not Track system would put an end to the technological “arms race” – but that’s not a good thing. Instead, its the nuclear option that will halt ongoing industry innovation and consumer welfare.

This has been unofficial privacy week in Washington, DC. Wednesday saw the release of the FTC’s privacy report. Yesterday was the House Commerce Committee hearing; phrased in the form of a question, the tile of the hearing was a bit presumptuous: “Do-Not-Track Legislation: Is Now the Right Time?” And today, NetChoice responds with why the answer to that question should be No.

Do Not Track is a Blunt Response, Not an Informed Choice

The FTC’s report calls for a “uniform and comprehensive” way for consumers to decide whether they want their activities tracked. The Commission points to a Do Not Track system consisting of browser settings that would be respected by web tracking services. A user could select one setting in Firefox, for example, to opt out of all tracking online. The FTC wrongly calls this “universal choice.”

Really, it’s a universal response. It’s a single response to an overly-simplified set of choices we encounter on the web. This single response means that tracking for the purpose of tailored advertising is either “on” or “off.” There is no middle setting. But it is the “middle” where we want consumers to be. The middle setting would represent an educated setting where consumers understand the tradeoffs of interest-based advertising – in return for tracking your preferences and using them to target ads to you, you get free content/services. But an on/off switch is too blunt and not, err, targeted enough. There is no incentive for consumers to learn about the positives, they’ll only fear the worst-case scenarios and will opt-out. In return they’ll also opt-out of the benefits.  [more on the “middle” below]. Continue reading →