Articles by Tim Lee

Timothy B. Lee (Contributor, 2004-2009) is an adjunct scholar at the Cato Institute. He is currently a PhD student and a member of the Center for Information Technology Policy at Princeton University. He contributes regularly to a variety of online publications, including Ars Technica, Techdirt, Cato @ Liberty, and The Angry Blog. He has been a Mac bigot since 1984, a Unix, vi, and Perl bigot since 1998, and a sworn enemy of HTML-formatted email for as long as certain companies have thought that was a good idea. You can reach him by email at leex1008@umn.edu.


Keeping My AT&T’s Straight

by on December 11, 2007 · 2 comments

22nd-century scholars are going to find the history of AT&T around the turn of the 21st century absolutely baffling, on par with British schoolchildren having to keep track of Henry VIII’s wives. I’m reading a paper from 2001, and I did a double-take when it talked about AT&T and Time Warner as the major players in the cable industry. Then I remembered that this was the post-breakup, pre-spinoff, pre-merger AT&T–the one that was in the cable and long-distance markets. Which is basically a completely different company from the AT&T that’s now in the local telephone, DSL, and rent-seeking markets. I’m sure in another 20 years there will be a totally different company called AT&T that will be in charge of issuing me my REAL ID card and operating the terrorist surveillance cameras on every street corner.

Don Marti has a great podcast where he interviews a Linux Foundation executive on the patent troll question. Don asks a question that clearly caught the guy by surprise: do efforts to find patent prior art prior to litigation help the patent trolls by making it more likely that the trolls’ remaining patents will stand up in court? The answer was basically that invalidating bad patents will reduce the total number of patents, which will in turn reduce the number of opportunities for patent trolling.

Don seemed skeptical of this response, I have to say I share his skepticism. The number of software patents in the wild is now so astronomical that it’s simply not going to be feasible to invalidate all of them on a case-by-case basis. Moreover, there’s a more fundamental issue here: there is not, on the one hand, “bad” software patents that need to be invalidated and “good” software patents that need to be enforced. Software patents are just a bad idea, even when they’re “good” in the sense that they don’t have obvious prior art. A “good” software patents can be used for trolling purposes just as easily as a “bad” one, with effects that could be just as devastating to the software industry. Hence, even if the Linux Foundation could find every software patent with prior art and get them invalidated, that wouldn’t eliminate the patent trolling problem, it would just cause the trolls to shift their focus to the remaining patents in their portfolios, with a correspondingly greater confidence that they’ll prevail in court.

The solution to the patent trolling problem in the software industry is for the Supreme Court or Congress to overrule the Federal Circuit’s misguided decision to expand patents to the software industry. There are now so many software patents on the books that striking down a few bad patents just won’t make any difference. You can troll with a half-dozen patents almost as easily as you can with a dozen. The Linux World exec was a little bit wishy-washy on this point, first stating vaguely that “meaningful patent reform” was needed, and then conceding when pressed that banning software patents was probably a good idea. I imagine one of the reasons the Linux Foundation hasn’t come out officially against software patents is that its board includes several companies with substantial software patent portfolios of their own. They no doubt would like to find a way to continue collecting royalties for their own patents while giving them new defenses against trolls.

Kevin Werbach’s “Only Connect” got quite a bit of attention in the blogosphere when it was unveiled, including a post here on TLF. The attention was well deserved. The paper does an excellent job of explaining what’s at stake in the network neutrality debate and elucidating the positions staked out by each side. His discussions of the complexities of discrimination, access tiering, quality-of-service, etc in sections III(B) and III(C) are especially well done. He seems more keenly attuned than most scholars to the challenges that a regulator tasked with enforcing a non-discrimination rule would face.

With that said, I think the paper suffered from a fundamental conceptual weakness that left me unpersuaded by his ultimate thesis: I wasn’t ultimately convinced that interconnection and non-discrimination are separate and distinct regulatory issues. To the contrary, I think the two are often intimately connected. An effective interconnection mandate almost always depends on ensuring that the terms of interconnection are non-discriminatory. If network owner A is forced to interconnect with network owner B against its will, there are a variety of ways A can retaliate by charging B unreasonable prices, dropping B’s packets, dragging its feet on installing B’s equipment, etc. In practice, a practical interconnection mandate will invariably require some network-neutrality-like regulations to make it effective. The converse is equally true: a legal rule mandating non-discriminatory routing policies is likely to require some regulation of interconnection terms in order to ensure that the regulated carrier doesn’t discriminate through the back door by only offering low-quality links to those carriers against whom it wishes to discriminate.

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I’m in the midst of a big writing project on network neutrality, and so I’m going to do a series of posts on papers I’ve been reading. Some of the material in these posts may find its way into the forthcoming paper. I’m going to start with “A Coasian Alternative to Pigovian Regulation of Network Interconnection,” a paper by two FCC economists, that purports to offer an alternative to the FCC’s current inter-carrier compensation regime whereby long-distance firms pay local exchange carriers to terminate calls to the LEC’s subscribers. I’m not specifically interested in telephone regulation, but Atkinson and Barnekov suggest their arguments apply to other networks as well, and they’re cited by others (including Kevin Werbach, whom I’ll discuss in a future post) in the network neutrality debate, so I thought it was worth reading.

It seems to have become trendy to label one’s policy prescriptions “Coasian,” and that’s how Atkinson and Barnekov frame their analysis. They argue that the FCC’s current compensation regime is “Pigouvian” because a government bureaucrat dictates the prices that network owners must pay each other for the privilege of interconnection. Under Atkinson and Barnekov’s alternative, the FCC would… dictate the prices that network owners must pay each other for the privilege of interconnection. But they think they have a formula that is less arbitrary than the formula currently being used, and would therefore better approach the Coasean ideal of clearly-defined property rights.

In a nutshell, when one network owner wished to connect with another network owner, Atkinson and Barnekov would have them calculate the total cost of interconnection and then split it down the middle. This total cost would not just include the costs of interconnection at the edge of the network (say, stringing fiber between their facilities) but also the increased cost imposed inside each network, such as the additional capacity one network would need to carry the other’s traffic. This total cost would be computed, it would be divided by two, and then one party would pay the other so that each bore half the total cost.

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Techdirt points to this story on a Chinese programmer who’s been arrested for developing an add-on to instant messaging software. I should state my biases up front: if using unauthorized software is a crime, they should come and get me, because I use Adium (and before that Fire and Gerry’s ICQ) for my instant messaging needs. It sounds like this guy’s product is the Chinese version of Adium, which means that in this respect China’s copyright laws are even more screwed up the those in the United States.

I am, however, a little bit puzzled about the exact detail of what he did and what laws he’s accused of breaking. From the article:

China has the world’s second-biggest Internet market after the U.S., with more than 160 million users, and it is a thriving market for such add-ons. Coral QQ has about 40.6 million users, according to Chinese computer-science publication Pchome.

Tencent first complained to Mr. Chen in late 2002, saying Coral QQ violated its copyright and warning him to stop distributing it. He did. Mr. Chen then devised a noninvasive “patch” on the program — a separate piece of software — that would run concurrently with QQ on a user’s computer and modify it as the two went humming along. In 2003, he resumed offering Coral QQ.

In 2006, as it became increasingly apparent that Coral QQ was only growing in popularity, Tencent filed a 500,000 yuan ($68,000) lawsuit alleging copyright infringement against Mr. Chen and won a judgment for 100,000 yuan, which Mr. Chen paid. In early August, Tencent complained to the police in Shenzhen, where it has its headquarters, and on Aug. 16 Mr. Chen was detained. Tencent said Mr. Chen was “making illegal profits and infringing on Tencent’s copyright.”

I’m not sure I’m reading this right, but it sounds like at one point he was distributing a modified version of the QQ client. That’s a plain case of copyright infringement and so Tencent was well within their rights to object to that. However, it sounds like more recently he’s been writing independently-created code that modifies the QQ application. While the exact legal arguments would depend on the details of what it’s doing, this would generally not be considered copyright infringement in the United States.

The Sklyarov arrest did a great deal of good in terms of highlighting the problems with the DMCA and galvanizing the geek community. I engaged in my first anti-DMCA activism the week after his arrest, when I attended a protest at the Minneapolis courthouse. If Shoufu’s actions are indeed as innocuous as Sklyarov’s were, this arrest should increase awareness in China of the threats that overly-restrictive copyright law can pose to programmers’ freedom.

Some of the best video on the Interne is Mr. Deity, a blasphemous but wickedly funny series of shorts about religion and politics. It started out as a independent viral video series, but was signed by Sony to promote their new Crackle video-sharing site last year. I was recently excited when they launched their second season; they’ve been releasing a new video every couple of weeks.

But if you click the link above, you’ll be hard pressed to find the latest video. It’s “Mr. Deity and the Voicemail,” Episode 3 of Season 2. It’s inexplicably #7 in the list of the dozen or so episodes released so far. Even more inexplicably, if you search on Google for “mr deity,” you’ll be hard pressed to find either the Crackle Mr. Deity link or a link to the latest episode. The top hit is the pre-Crackle Mr. Deity home page, which hasn’t been updated in month and gives you no hint that the second has started. The next link is a YouTube video of the first episode, with again no hint that a new season has started. Crackle finally makes an appearance in the third slot, but the Mr. Deity home page doesn’t appear on that search page and is way down the list of Google results on Crackle. Finally at #4, we get the unofficial fan blog, which actually gives you one-click access to the latest episode. And at the very bottom of the first page, we see that Digg has pointed to the latest episode. In other words, the only sites that give you ready access to the newest episode are sites not run by Sony or the Mr. Deity team.

The Yahoo results are even worse: Crackle didn’t even crack the top ten. To It’s credit, Microsoft’s Live Search actually does include the Mr. Deity Crackle page as its seventh result.

This is an amazing degree of incompetence. Sony has presumably invested a significant amount of money producing this content, to say nothing of creating their video-sharing website. Yet they can’t even get the official Mr. Deity page to show up on the first page of Google search results for “Mr. Deity.” Compare that to, say, our podcast, which is the top hit for “Tech Policy Weekly” without us having made any explicit efforts to improve our search engine ranking.

You shouldn’t even need SEO help to come up as the top search result for your own product’s name. But if for some reason you’re not coming up as the top result, it’s worth investing a bit of money in making that happen. Especially if the whole point of producing the product was to drive web traffic to your video-sharing site. By the same token, One I get to the Mr. Deity Crackle page, the latest episode should be at the top of the list and prominently marked so I can grab it without having to wade through a long, randomly-organized list of videos.

I really don’t get it. These companies are investing millions of dollars to build these sites, yet they seem unable to get even the most obvious details right. Any halfway competent consultant should be able to point out these problems and explain how to fix them. So why are they so broken?

The Honorable Peter Hoekstra has taken to the august (virtual) pages of National Review to further muddy the waters of the debate over Joe Klein’s column. It would take a lot more time than I’ve got to untangle all the distortions and obfuscations of his arguments, so let me just jump to his particularly egregious concluding paragraphs:

It’s hard to imagine General Eisenhower going to court to ask for permission to conduct the D-Day invasion on the off-chance Americans might be on the beaches of Normandy. Yet this is exactly what Democrats want to force Admiral McConnell to do to conduct terrorist surveillance.

At the end of the day, we should be honest that this is not a legal debate, but a political one. It highlights the fact that Democrats believe that lawyering-up foreign intelligence to guard against every imagined or potential civil-liberties concern is more important than ensuring that we have the full capability to conduct quick and effective surveillance of foreign al-Qaeda targets in foreign countries. I’ll welcome that debate anytime.

Now, in the first place, absolutely no one is proposing that the FISA court have jurisdiction over wiretapping activities that occur overseas. If the US Army wants to tap an Iraqi cell phone tower, or if the CIA wants to tap an underseas optical cable outside of the US territorial waters, neither the current FISA law nor any proposed changes would require court oversight of those activities. So the Eisenhower hypothetical is a total non-sequitur. Unless General Eisenhower somehow needed to tap American phone lines in order to carry out the D-Day invasion, none of the bills under consideration would have had any effect on his activities.

He says he’s worried about the ability to “conduct quick and effective surveillance of foreign al-Qaeda targets in foreign countries.” But the only time the Restore Act would require judicial scrutiny of “surveillance of foreign al-Qaeda targets in foreign countries” is when that surveillance requires ordering American telecom companies to install wiretaps on American soil, and when one end of that communication is likely to be on American soil. That’s a tiny fraction of our foreign intelligence-gathering activities, and so the Restore Act would place a correspondingly small burden on the executive branch.

Finally, when Hoekstra talks about “lawyering-up foreign intelligence,” he neglects to mention that every single proposed bill, the Restore Act included, expands the executive branch’s ability to engage in warrantless surveillance and restricts the courts’ oversight role compared to the status quo. Nobody is “lawyering up” anything. The debate is between Democrats who support only modest reductions in judicial oversight and a White House that is demanding the complete emasculation of judicial oversight of domestic-to-foreign eavesdropping.

Time’s “Correction”

by on November 28, 2007 · 2 comments

Wow. Here, in its entirety, is Time’s “correction” to Joe Klein’s error-ridden column on the Restore Act:

In the original version of this story, Joe Klein wrote that the House Democratic version of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA) would allow a court review of individual foreign surveillance targets. Republicans believe the bill can be interpreted that way, but Democrats don’t.

Glenn Greenwald gets this exactly right:

Leave aside the false description of what Klein wrote. He didn’t say “that the House Democratic version of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA) would allow a court review of individual foreign surveillance targets.” He said that their bill “would require the surveillance of every foreign-terrorist target’s calls to be approved by the FISA court” and “would give terrorists the same legal protections as Americans.” But the Editor’s false characterization of Klein’s original lie about the House FISA bill is the least of the issues here.

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This from Mike Masnick is absolutely brutal:

[Universal Music CEO Doug] Morris is so clueless that he chooses the worst possible analogy to explain his position. Lots of entertainment industry execs have thrown up their hands and ignorantly stated that “you can’t make money from free.” That’s wrong, of course, but Morris takes it one step further up the ridiculous scale, with the following example: “If you had Coca-Cola coming through the faucet in your kitchen, how much would you be willing to pay for Coca-Cola? There you go. That’s what happened to the record business.” Hmm… and what is coming out of your faucet in your kitchen? That’s right… water. And how much are people willing to pay for water? That’s right, billions. In fact, it’s a larger market than (oops) recorded music. Can someone please explain how Morris keeps his job?

More Singel on Klein

by on November 26, 2007 · 2 comments

Ryan Singel points out even more problems with Joe Klein’s follow-up post on his train wreck of a column:

In his two follow-up blog posts, Klein compounds his errors and valiantly argues he is right that the Dems are coddling terrorists because a bill passed by the House says that if the NSA targets a foreigner or group of foreigners who will likely communicate with someone inside the United States, the spies need to get court approval.

Klein says this gives foreign terrorists the same rights as Americans.
But, this restriction is only true when the nation’s spies are wiretapping fiber optic cables, telecom switches and web mail providers INSIDE the United States.
Klein continues to miss this most crucial distinction in the debate, which is why THREAT LEVEL, paraphrasing Klein’s column, continues to believe that Klein is well beyond stupid. He’s dangerous.

Outside the United States, such wiretapping isn’t even defined as surveillance and it never has been.

If the NSA is listening in on cell phone calls in Iraq, they don’t need a warrant nor do they need court approval of their techniques.

If the Iranian cell phone user they are listening in on calls an American, they don’t have to stop and get a warrant. Instead they follow long-established minimization procedures that disguise the American’s name, unless there’s a good reason not to.

Wiretapping inside America is the whole reason various bills are being debated. After a secret spying court decided last spring that the government’s wiretapping inside America without having particularized warrants was illegal, the Administration began pushing for new powers from Congress. The administration then scared Congress into rush passage of a bill that massively expanded the government’s spying powers outside and inside the United States, without any real expansion of oversight.

But Klein can’t grasp this simple point, which may be why he defends himself by saying that bills are hard to read and details are unimportant

I can write half-baked articles about subjects I don’t understand. Where’s my Time column?