Yesterday, the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) hosted an all-day workshop on “Protecting Kids’ Privacy Online,” which looked into the Children’s Online Privacy Protection Act of 1998 (COPPA) and challenges posed to its enforcement by new technological developments. The FTC staff did a nice job bringing together and moderating 5 panels worth of participants, all of whom had plenty of interesting things to say about the future of COPPA.  But I was more struck by what was not said yesterday. Namely, there was:

  • ZERO explanation of the supposed harms of advertising, marketing, and data collection. Advertising-bashing is an old sport here in Washington, so I guess I should not have been surprised to hear several panelists yesterday engaging in teeth-gnashing and hand-wringing about advertising, marketing, and the data collection methods that make it possible. But this grousing just went on and on without any explanation by the critics of the supposed harms that would result from it.
  • ZERO appreciation of the benefits of advertising, marketing, and data collection. Not once yesterday — NOT ONCE — did anyone pause to ask what it is that makes all these wonderful online sites, services and content free (or dirt cheap) to consumers.  Everyone at this show was guilty of the “manna fallacy” (that all this stuff just falls magically to Earth from the Net Gods above). Well, back here in the real world, something has to pay for all those goodies, and that something is advertising and marketing, which are facilitated by data collection! Or would you like to pay $19.95 a month for each of those currently free sites and services? Yeah, I didn’t think so.

Continue reading →

Professor Crim Pro I ain’t, but it seems to me that anybody who has used a computer can pretty easily grasp the holding of Berghuis v. Thompkins, 560 U.S. __, No. 08-1470 (June 1, 2010) [PDF]. In that opinion, handed down just yesterday, the U.S. Supreme Court toggled the default on the Miranda warning. A five-justice majority held that silence will not suffice for citizens who want to invoke Miranda’s protections against self-incrimination; we now must ask for our Constitutional rights. Think of it like a computer program that annoyingly assumes you want unsolicited advice from a chirpy paper clip–except this paper clip throws you in cuffs and tazes you if you talk back.

The Berghuis decision inspires me to offer a new piece of legal armor—this time in the form of a t-shirt:

Miranda Rights Notice shirt

Click on the picture to buy a shirt, or borrow the text (I’ve uncopyrighted it) to make your own version from scratch. Combine that notice of your Miranda rights with the bumper sticker and magnetic sign I offered earlier, in defense of your rights to record and report what public officials do to you, and you might just dodge some serious legal hurt. Or—who knows?—you might inspire some interesting and important litigation.
Continue reading →

On April 29, I testified before the Senate Commerce Committee’s Consumer Protection Subcommittee on Examining Children’s Privacy: New Technologies and the Children’s Online Privacy Protection Act (COPPA). Today, I filed 23 pages of responses to questions for the Congressional Record from Subcommittee Chairman Mark Pryor (D-AR), touching on many of the concerns and issues Adam Thierer and I developed in our May 2009 paper, COPPA 2.0: The New Battle over Privacy, Age Verification, Online Safety & Free Speech.

At the April hearing, Senators asked whether COPPA could be improved. Today, as in my April oral and written testimony, I again urged lawmakers to “tread carefully” because COPPA, as implemented, basically works. I explained why COPPA’s technological neutrality and flexibility should allow the FTC to keep pace with technological convergence and change without the need for legislative changes. But expanding the statute beyond its limited purposes, especially to cover adolescents under 18, could raise serious constitutional questions about the First Amendment rights of adults as well as older teens and site and service operators, and also have unintended consequences for the health of online content and services without necessarily significantly increasing the online privacy and safety of children.

The Committee’s follow-up questions also inquired about COPPA’s implementation, the subject of today’s FTC Roundtable. I noted that COPPA implementation has gone reasonably well, meeting its primary goal of enhancing parental involvement in children’s online activities, but that implementation has come at a price, since the costs of obtaining verifiable parental consent and otherwise complying with COPPA have, on the one hand, discouraged site and service operators from allowing children on their sites or offering child-oriented content, and, on the other hand, raised costs for child-oriented sites. The FTC could do more to lower compliance costs for website operators, thus allowing achievement of COPPA’s goals at a lower cost for parents and kids in foregone content and services.

Finally, I raised  concerns about the FTC’s seeming invitation for changes to the COPPA statute itself. As a general matter, regulatory agencies should not be in the business of re-assessing the adequacy of their own powers, since the natural impulse of all bureaucracy is to grow. Though the agency has done a yeoman’s job of implementing COPPA, ultimately it is the responsibility of Congress, not the FTC, to make decisions about modifying the statute. Continue reading →

Pundits are foaming at the mouth about AT&T’s just-announced end to unlimited data packages for smartphones. Here is Jeff Jarvis calling the move “cynical,” “retrograde,” and “evil.” However, he provides no evidence that this is anything but AT&T facing economic reality. The iPhone was a revolution, and how much data people consume given an awesome device turned out to be much more than AT&T was ready for. Now they’re asking their customers who use the most data to pay more, and this is evil?

Not only is it not evil, it’s incredibly fair. Most people will probably pay less for service. The cheapest of AT&T’s new plans is $15 for 200 MB of data. That’s $15 cheaper than their current $30 for unlimited iPhone use. According to AT&T, 65 percent of their customers use less than 200 MB of data a month. I consider myself a heavy iPhone user, and I just came back from a trip to NYC on which my iPhone was the only device I took with me, and yet with 2 days left in my billing cycle, I’ve used 154 MB of data. So, AT&T’s change will actually be a price-cut for me and the majority of AT&T customers.

Yup, real evil.

Gina Trapani, blogger, author, software developer, and creator of ThinkTank, and Anil Dash, director of Expert Labs and blogging pioneer, talk about Expert Labs, an organization that seeks to improve government by letting policy makers tap into the collective wisdom of the public, and ThinkTank, an open source tool that the White House is using to crowdsource and sort policy ideas, insights, and recommendations offered through social media platforms like Twitter and Facebook.

Related Readings

Do check out the interview, and consider subscribing to the show on iTunes. Past guests have included James Grimmelman on online harassment and the Google Books case, Michael Geist on ACTA, Tom Hazlett on spectrum reform, and Tyler Cowen on just about everything.

Coming up in next two episodes we’ll have Nick Carr and Clay Shirky discussing their new books. So what are you waiting for? Subscribe!

Last Friday afternoon, as I was leaving my house to en route to the airport with the family for a short vacation, Nicholas Carr’s latest book, The Shallows: What the Internet is Doing to Our Brains, arrived in my mailbox. I grabbed it, jumped in the car, flipped it open during the drive to Dulles Airport (don’t worry, the wife was driving), and began devouring it.  I say “devour” because once I started reading it, I didn’t stop.  I was wholeheartedly absorbed in the text from start to finish.

I tell you all this not just because Carr’s book is that good, but because according to the thesis he sets forth in The Shallows, fewer and fewer people are likely to be engaged in such contemplative, deep reading activities due to the highly distractive nature of the Internet and digital technologies. “With the exception of alphabets and number systems, the Net may well be the single most powerful mind-altering technology that has ever come into general use,” Carr claims. “At the very least, it’s the most powerful that has come along since the book.” (p. 116) The Net and multimedia “strains our cognitive abilities, diminishing our learning and weakening our understanding,” he says. (p. 129) And we have no one to blame for this mess but ourselves:

We want to be interrupted, because each interruption brings us a valuable piece of information… And so we ask the Internet to keep interrupting us, in ever more and different ways. We willingly accept the loss of concentration and focus, the division of our attention and the fragmentation of our thoughts, in return for the wealth of compelling or at least diverting information we receive. Tuning out is not an option many of us would consider. (p. 133-4)

Although, ultimately, Carr doesn’t quite convinced me that “The Web is a technology of forgetfulness” (p. 193), he has made a powerful case that its effects may not be as salubrious as many of us have assumed.  Continue reading →

While police and prosecutors have encouraged the growth of a surveillance state, they don’t seem so enthusiastic about the growth of a surveillance citizenry. Maryland and other states have recently seen privacy laws invoked to squelch the unauthorized recording of public officers performing public duties in public areas. Until courts put an end to those bogus claims, we should make sure that police officers know that we may monitor traffic stops to protect our rights; I below offer a bumper sticker and magnetic door sign that ought to help on that front.

Radley Balko recently reported on the latest attempt to use privacy laws to punish citizens for recording police misconduct. In this case, Anthony Graber was arrested for posting on YouTube a video he’d captured on an un-uniformed Maryland state trooper, driving an unmarked car, pulling over and rushing at Graber with a drawn handgun. Soon after Graber posted the video, he was charged for violating the Maryland Wiretapping and Electronic Surveillance Act, Md. Code Ann., Cts. & Jud. Proc. § 10-401 et seq. (2010), which basically outlaws secretly recording a private conversation.

Maryland’s police must be feeling a bit testy, these days, about getting recorded on-the-job by uppity citizens. Earlier this spring, an inconvenient video of the beating of Jack McKenna put the lie to the claims of Maryland police that McKenna had provoked the incident by attacking the officers and their horses. State and federal officials have since launched “excessive force” inquiries.

Did that video violate the privacy of the three officers, clad in riot gear and swinging batons, who surrounded and beat the unarmed McKenna? No. Neither did the video that Graber shot of the Maryland trooper strutting towards him with a drawn handgun. Courts have already explained that wrongs under the Maryland Wiretapping and Electronic Surveillance Act require a showing that someone’s reasonable expectation of privacy has suffered violation (see Fearnow v. C & P Tel. Co., 104 Md. App. 1, 655 A.2d 1 (1995), rev’d on other grounds, 342 Md. 363, 676 A.2d 65 (1996)), and no officer can have a reasonable expectation of privacy while on a public street, performing public duties. Continue reading →

In my recent testimony before the House Commerce Committee on a proposal to require event data recorders in all new cars sold in the United States, I pointed out that the mandate would go far beyond what is needed to ensure safety. Indeed, the cost of EDRs raises the prices of new cars, marginally reducing the pool of used cars and keeping lower income drivers in older used cars which are less safe.

The demand for EDRs in all cars, collecting and transmitting data about all crashes, suggests that something more than statistically relevant safety data is what advocates of this mandate want. I put a finer point on these issues today in answers to questions propounded to me after the hearing.

The proposed EDR mandate includes controls on the use of EDR information, a nominal protection for privacy, but the EDR mandate “sets the stage for migration away from consumer privacy toward serving the goals of government and industry related not only to safety but also to general law enforcement, taxation, and surveillance.”

The bill is H.R. 5381, the Motor Vehicle Safety Act of 2010. Other bills with EDR mandates include H.R. 5169, H.R. 5345, and S. 3271.

We all pay “universal service” assessments on our phone bills.  It’s even broken out separately; go look. It’s probably just a matter of time before the Federal Communications Commission proposes to slap universal service assessments on broadband service to help pay for universal service subsidies for broadband service. The national broadband plan, after all, calls for “broadening” the universal service funding base.

If the commission reclassifies broadband as a “Title II” telecommunications service, this will be virtually automatic because the Telecommunications Act of 1996 says telecommunications providers must contribute toward the FCC’s universal service fund. If the commission doesn’t reclassify broadband, it could still require contributions — just like it imposed universal service assessments on VOIP without classifying VOIP as telecommunications.

After the FCC starts using universal service funds to subsidize broadband for poor people and rural households, the logic will be seductively compelling: “Broadband receives subsidies, so it’s only fair that broadband pays into the fund.”

Forget the ensuing howls about “taxing the Internet.”  I want to talk about another aspect of this.  Would imposing universal service assessments on broadband actually further the FCC’s goals in its national broadband plan?

Irish Setter Chasing Tail

Photo by nawtydawg.

The FCC wants to make broadband available to all Americans, regardless of where they live. Ideally, the FCC would like us all to subscribe, regardless of our income or where we live. The problem with imposing universal service assessments on broadband is that this would increase the price, leading subscribership to be lower than it would otherwise be.

This effect might be big or it might be little. But before making a decision about imposing universal service assessments on broadband, the FCC ought to know the size of the effect and how it compares to the increase in subscribership that would result from the subsidies.

To figure out how universal service assessments might affect broadband subscribership, we need to know how responsive broadband subscription is to changes in price. Economists call this the “price elasticity of demand.” The most recent study I’ve seen — and the only one cited in the FCC’s technical paper underlying the national broadband plan — estimates the elasticity of broadband demand was about -0.69 in 2008. That means a 1 percent increase in price would lead to a 0.69 percent decrease in subscribership. Other, earlier studies find much higher demand elasticities. But to be conservative, let’s use -0.69.

Current universal service assessments on interstate telecommunications are about 15 percent.  About 66.6 million households had broadband in 2008. A 15 percent increase in the price of broadband would reduce subscribership by about 6.9 million households (15% times -0.69 times 66.6 million.)

If the FCC imposed universal service assessments on broadband, it might be able to lower the rate since it would be collecting assessments from a broader base than just telephone service. Suppose the FCC could lower the assessment to 10 percent, more in line with the historical norm.  A 10 percent increase in the price of broadband would reduce subscribership by 4.6 million households (10% times -0.69 times 66.6 million).

So we’re going to reduce broadband subscribership by 4.6-6.9 million households in order to provide subsidies to increase broadband subscribership.  If the funds currently spent to subsidize phone service in rural areas were spent on broadband, that would be enough money to close the “funding gap” and make broadband available to the 7 million homes the FCC  says currently are unserved or under-served. 

Not all of them will susbcribe, so we can’t assume these subsidies will increase subscribership by 7 million.  About 65 percent of Americans currently have broadband at home.  If 65 percent of unserved or underserved households choose to subscribe once broadband becomes available, that would be  4.55 million new subscribers.

In short, it looks like subjecting all broadband to universal service assessments to pay for rural broadband subsidies would either be a wash or reduce subscribership on net. Paying for universal broadband service with assessments on broadband service will give the FCC a lot to do, but it won’t advance the subscribership goals of the national broadband plan. 

There are other ways to raise the money without this perverse effect. Historically, local telephone subscription has been very insensitive to price, so one option would be for the FCC to simply impose a universal service charge per phone number instead of the current percentage fee.  (Low-income households who have “Lifeline” service or use low-cost prepaid wireless plans could be charged a lower fee without sacrificing much revenue.)

Another option would be for Congress to earmark some revenues from upcoming spectrum auctions to fund universal broadband service, and reduce the universal service assessments on our phone bills accordingly.

Reasonable people can differ on whether, or by how much, the federal government should subsidize broadband where it is not currently available. But if we’re gonna do it, there’s no sense in funding it with a mechanism that reduces broadband subscription elsewhere.

David Leonhardt of The New York Times penned an interesting essay a few days ago entitled, “Do Video Games Equal Less Crime?” reflecting upon the same FBI crime data I wrote about earlier this week, which showed rapid drops in violent crime last year (on top of years of steady declines).  Crimes of all sorts plummeted last year despite the serious economic recession we find ourselves in.  Downturns in the economy are typically followed by upticks in crime. Not so this time.  Which leads Leonhardt to wonder if perhaps exposure to violent media (especially violent video games) could have played a positive role in tempering criminal activity in some fashion:

Video games can not only provide hours of entertainment. They can also give people — especially young men, who play more than their fair share of video games and commit more than their fair share of crimes — an outlet for frustration that doesn’t involve actual violence. Video games obviously have many unfortunate side effects. They can promote obsessive, antisocial behavior and can make violent situations seem ordinary. But might video games also have an upside? I’m willing to consider the idea.

Go Back to the Greeks

What Leonhardt is suggesting here goes by the name “cathartic effect hypothesis” and debates have raged over it for centuries.  Seriously, the fight goes all the way back to the great Greek philosophers Plato and Aristotle. And, as with everything else, Aristotle had it right! Well, at least in my opinion he did, but I am a rabid Aristotealian.  While Plato thought the media of his day (poetry, plays & music) had a deleterious impact on culture and humanity, Aristotle took a very different view. Indeed, most historians believe it was Aristotle who first used the term katharsis when discussing the importance of Greek tragedies, which often contained violent overtones and action. He suggested that these tragedies helped the audience, “through pity and fear effecting the proper purgation of these emotions.” (See Part IV of Aristotle’s Poetics,) Aristotle spoke highly of tragedies that used provocative or titillating storytelling to its fullest effect:

Continue reading →