November 2008

I’ve just posted two new entries over at BroadbandCensus.com (in addtion to the one about FCC v. Fox Televisions Stations) below. Now, I’ve got to go and vote.

The pieces at BroadbandCensus.com include a blog post about the real issue in white spaces: not broadcasters versus techies, but keeping the current Swiss-cheese arrangement in the airwaves versus clearing the broadcasters out of their radio frequencies entirely.

Also, in a special election day news report, myself and Drew Bennett have written about the delay in the vote over the universal service fund and intercarrier compensation overhauls.

Four-and-a-half years ago, I wrote this piece about how a converging media undermines the FCC’s rationalle for indecency enforcement. The piece, “TV Has Grown Up. Shouldn’t FCC Rules?” first appeared in the Washington Post Outlook section on Sunday, May 16, 2004, and it remains more relevant today than ever: the Supreme Court is today considering Federal Communications Commission v. Fox Television Station, a case about whether the FCC acted properly in sanctioning Fox over the use of the words “fuck” and “shit” on broadcast television.

Over on the Cato@Liberty blog, I’ve highlighted some recent talk of a creating a national ID system for voting. Worrisome thinking from people who should be more circumspect.

A Breezy Slide From Vote Integrity to National ID” is the post.

A new study (which is actually based on an old study) by Dr. Craig Anderson of Iowa State University and two other researchers is making news today because it suggests a link between violent video games and real-world aggression. I have written extensively about such studies here in the past, and have included a list of relevant links down below. But let me just use the opportunity to restate the fundamental problem with the way the press reports these things.

  1. First, the press typically accepts the assertion made by authors of studies like these that the social “science” is unanimous in support of such a link between exposure to violent video games and real-world aggression. there is another side the story, but the press usually doesn’t report on it.
  2. Second, reporters almost always fail to ask about how the researchers define “violent” games and the resulting “aggression” found in these studies.
  3. Third, reporters almost never ask about how strong the correlation is or, more importantly, what other variables might have had an influence on the the subjects who were studied. (For example, did they factor in real violence in the home or at school?)
  4. Finally, the reporters almost never query the researchers about the biases they bring to the task of studying this issue (namely, do these researchers have strong feelings about the content in the games they review such that they think they should be regulated in some fashion?).

Luckily, other social researchers are willing to point out these deficiencies. (See, for example, my reviews of the recent books by Drs. Kutner & Olson as well as Dr. Kourosh Dini.)  With reference to the new study reported in the press today, Texas A&M researcher Dr. Christopher Ferguson has challenged the study on many of the grounds I listed above. Specifically, in a letter to the journal (Pediatrics) in which the Anderson study appeared, Dr. Ferguson argues:

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Indiana University law professor Fred Cate writes with characteristic thoroughness and organization in his article Government Data Mining: The Need for a Legal Framework, published in the Harvard Civil Rights-Civil Liberties Law Review this summer.

It took me a while to get around to reading it – a little longer to write it up. Don’t make the same mistakes I did! It’s good!

Here’s a snippet from the abstract:

The article describes the extraordinary volume and variety of personal data to which the government has routine access, directly and through industry, and examines the absence of any meaningful limits on that access. So-called privacy statutes are often so outdated and inadequate that they fail to limit the government’s access to our most personal data, or they have been amended in the post-9/11 world to reduce those limits. And the Fourth Amendment, the primary constitutional guarantee of individual privacy, has been interpreted by the Supreme Court to not apply to routine data collection, accessing data from third parties, or sharing data, even if illegally gathered.

Professor Cate spends a good deal of time on the Supreme Court’s pernicious “third party doctrine,” which exempts information shared with a third party (think of ISPs, banks, etc.) from Fourth Amendment protection. This rule was bad when it was written and it grows worse and worse as we move our lives further and further online.

Oh, there are details from the paper I would have treated differently. He mistakenly says the 9/11 terrorists used false ID. (Fraudulently gotten, yes. False identities, no.) And he omits the Federal Agency Data Mining Reporting Act of 2007, passed as §804 of the Implementing Recommendations of the 9/11 Commission Act of 2007 (Public Law 110-53). But these are trivial issues with a paper that is excellent overall.

Poking around among the Internets to confirm this and that detail, I found this post saying that Professor Cate authored much of a recent report called “Protecting Individual Privacy in the Struggle Against Terrorists.” It’s also very good stuff.

Fred Cate, people!

One of the bright lights.

Supreme CourtTomorrow morning, the U.S. Supreme Court will hear oral arguments in the potentially historic free speech case of Federal Communications Commission v. Fox Television Stations, Inc. I plan on attending and will try to post some thoughts about how the arguments played out here later tomorrow afternoon or evening. [I won’t be able to live blog of Twitter it because no electronic devices are allowed in the courtroom, which I’ve always thought is outrageous.] In the meantime, here again is the background of the case.

The FCC v. Fox case is the indecency case involving the FCC’s new policy for “fleeting expletives.” I wrote about the Second Circuit Court of Appeals decision here and the full 2nd Circuit decision is here. [By contrast, the so-called “Janet Jackson case” — CBS v. FCC — took place in the Third Circuit Court of Appeals and that court recently handed down a decision that also went against the FCC. I wrote about the Third Circuit’s decision here.]

In a 2-1 decision, the Second Circuit ruled that “the FCC’s new policy sanctioning “fleeting expletives” is arbitrary and capricious under the Administrative Procedure Act for failing to articulate a reasoned basis for its change in policy.” The decision demonstrates how, over just the past few years, the FCC has arbitrarily thrown out 30+ years worth of precedent and greatly expand the scope of its regulatory authority over speech on broadcast TV and radio. As a result, the FCC’s order was vacated and remanded to the agency. The agency appealed the decision, however, and the Supreme Court accepted it for review.

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Ticketmaster last week completed its acquisition of Front Line Management, a talent agency — expanding Ticketmaster’s empire into a vertically integrated unit renamed “Ticketmaster Entertainment.” Combine the acquisition with AC/DC announcing it is the latest band to use Ticketmaster’s “paperless ticket” technology on its live tour, and I’m left wondering — are we on the highway to ticket hell?

As I’ve written in a previous posting, Ticketmaster has introduced what it calls a “Paperless Ticket” and Veritix has a paperless ticketing technology called Flash Seats. The concept is the same – no more paper tickets.

And while I’m unabashedly pro-technology on many fronts, here’s where I’m skeptical. The use of electronic tickets, when combined with the recent vertical integration moves of both Ticketmaster and Live Nation, could provide less control for consumers to do what they want with tickets.

The trend in the industry is to integrate the 4 major aspects of a live show: 1) primary ticket sales; 2) management and promotion; 3) direct artist to fan (clubs and paraphernalia); and 4) secondary ticket sales. Technology can be used to help tie the ticket to all aspects of the business, and even provide more control to music artists, but the downside could be a lack of consumer control once the ticket is purchased.

Under Ticketmaster’s paperless tickets policy, you have to present a credit card and a government-issued photo identification for admittance. What if you want to sell the ticket? Or your baby sitter cancels in the last minute and you want to give your tickets to a friend? Can’t do it. At least not under the current policy.

AC/DC’s latest tour is named after its new album, Black Ice. Let’s hope that electronic tickets aren’t the cause of consumers skidding out of control of their own tickets.

I made the point last week that freedom of contract includes the right not to be party to contracts without your consent, and that consent has to involve some sort of affirmative action. Shrink-wrap contracts that are presented only after a sale is complete don’t cut it in my view. If the contract wasn’t available for review at the point of sale, then I don’t care what might be in the box. You didn’t consent to the contract.

Now, some people might (and in the comments to previous posts, did) claim that this is just nitpicking, and that the really important thing is to promote economic efficiency by making contract formation easier. On this theory, contract negotiations are a transaction cost, and it’s economically beneficial to lower transaction costs as much as possible. So even if you haven’t technically agreed to the shrink-wrap EULA before you leave Best Buy, some people might argue that you “should have known” there would be a EULA in the box, and therefore it’s economically efficient to bind you to the contract unless you return the product to the store.

The problem with this argument is that it focuses myopically on the costs of contract negotiation to the exclusion of other costs that in many cases are much more important. It should be remembered that every contract signed is a prelude to possible state coercion if the contract is broken. Like all other kinds of coercion, the possibility of contract-related litigation creates uncertainty and other deadweight costs. In addition, the act of offering contracts imposes a deadweight cost. Every time I’m presented with a contract, I have to at least skim through it to make sure that the terms are acceptable. A society in which contract formation is extremely cheap for one party will be a society in which other people have to spend a lot of time scrutinizing the contracts they offer. Finally, contracts impose costs on the court system. A legal system that makes contracts to cheap to create will lead to too much taxpayer money being wasted on contract litigation.

All of which is to say that economic efficiency is not promoted by making contract formation as cheap as possible. Rather, the goal should be to align incentives so that a party only offers a contract if its benefits to all parties outweigh its expected costs. One thing that we should particularly try to avoid is a situation in which offering contracts is almost costless to one party, but reviewing them is expensive for the other party. Because then the offering party will offer inefficiently many contracts favorable to itself, and its counterparties will accept inefficiently many contracts because the costs of scrutinizing them individually is too high.

In contrast, if things are structured so that each party bears roughly half the costs of contract negotiation, then each party is only going to propose a formal, written contract if he believes that the benefits of doing so will outweigh the costs to both parties. This is one of the good things about paper contract negotiations between flesh-and-blood people: If you give me a long contract to sign, you’re going to have to stand there and wait while I read the contract and decide if I want to sign it. Since standing around is a waste of your time, you’re only going to do that if you believe the transaction can’t happen without it. And you’re going to try to make the contract as short as possible so you don’t have to stand around too long.

In the vast majority of business transactions, the default UCC terms work just fine. Grocery stores don’t try to attach contracts to the items they sell because it would slow down the checkout line too much if customers had to stand around reading their Banana Licensing Agreements before they were allowed to take their groceries home.

The reason shrinkwrap licenses on software are more popular than supermarket checkout contracts is not because software sales are some kind of exotic financial transaction that require special contractual terms. The UCC defaults can and do work just fine for software. Rather, the reason software firms make extensive use of EULAs is because they’ve found a clever gimmick that allows them to use copyright law as a way to bypass the ordinary rules of contract law and foist almost all the costs of contract negotiation onto the customer.

If a grocery store checkout clerk slipped a Banana Licensing Agreement into your grocery bag, no court of law would regard that as an enforceable contract. But software vendors have been pushing the legal fiction that software is licensed rather than sold. And if software is licensed rather than sold, then using software without accepting the license agreement is copyright infringement, which operates under an entirely different set of rules than ordinary contract law.

This claim is pretty clearly contrary to copyright’s First Sale Doctrine, and some courts have explicitly rejected it in some cases, but other courts have upheld it, and software vendors find the ability to skirt the ordinary rules of contract law so convenient that they keep trying.

But as a policy matter, there isn’t any good reason to let them get away with it. It would be bad policy to allow grocery stores to attach Banana License Agreements to their customers’ banana purchases by putting a BLA in each grocery bag, and it’s equally bad policy to allow software vendors to bind their customers to contracts they’re not able to review until after a sale is made. If software vendors want the software they sell to come with particular contractual restrictions, they should have the clerk at Best Buy provide the customer with a copy of the license agreement and require her to sign it before she can leave the store. If software vendors aren’t willing to put their customers through that hassle (and I’d bet money that they’re not) then it’s obviously not that important to them for their products to come with contractual restrictions attached, in which case the right outcome is for the software to be sold without special contractual restrictions, the same way that movies, music, books, and other creative works do.

As Adam Thierer has previously commented on this very blog, Mythbusters is “the best science show on TV in years.” Since the show tackles ridiculous beliefs that have entered the popular culture, it would make sense that at some point, they’d expose some dumb government policy. But, generally, the Mythbusters stay away from terribly controversial topics. So, unlike Bill Maher, they don’t debunk religious beliefs. And, unlike Adam, they haven’t shown that concerns over airplane terrorism are overblown.

But maybe Adam and Jamie’s policy is changing. I just watched an episode (which originally premiered in 2006) where they test whether cell phone signals can interfere with airplane avionics. Shockingly, even when they hauled into a real plane a radio transmitter broadcasting all kinds of cell phone signals at hundreds of times their normal power, there was no interference at all! This makes sense; after all, there are lots of radio signals travelling through the air everywhere anyway. Airplanes are built to ensure that these signals don’t affect their navigation equipment. And the EU has allowed cell phone use on planes for years, without incident. Plus, we all know that people have used their phones on planes in the US, just more covertly.

I reported on the US’s absurd ban before over at OpenMarket. And it looks like, in spite of liberalizing moves on the part of the FAA and FCC, the ban isn’t going anywhere, thanks to Congress. I guess you can bust myths with science, but the government won’t listen. If only we could recruit Mythbusters to show that the FDA does more harm than good or that Social Security creates fiscal insecurity.

My friend Larry Magid, one of America’s leading Internet safety experts, has an outstanding column over at the Yahoo Kids “Connected Parent” site entitled “Is the Internet as Dangerous as Drunk Driving?” In it, he discusses the surprising results of a recent survey of 1,000 moms of teenagers commissioned by McAfee and conducted by Harris Interactive which found that “about two-thirds of mothers of teens in the United States are just as, or more, concerned about their teenagers’ online safety, such as from threatening emails or solicitation by online sexual predators, as they are about drunk driving (62 per cent) and experimenting with drugs (65 per cent).”

Like Larry, I was a bit shocked that so many mothers would equate online safety with the dangers of drunk driving. After all, as Larry proves, the relative risks aren’t even close:

While moms have good reason to be concerned about how their teens use the Internet, online dangers pale compared to the risks of drunk driving. In 2007, 6,552 people were killed in auto accidents involving young drivers (16-20), according to the National Highway Transportation Safety Administration (NHTSA). In 2006, nearly a fifth (18%) of the 7,643 15- to 20-year-old drivers involved in fatal traffic crashes had a blood had a blood alcohol concentration of .08 or higher.

Perception of Internet danger has been heightened thanks to the TV show “To Catch a Predator” and inaccurate reports such as “one in five children have been sexually solicited by a predator.” That statistic is a misquote from a 2000 study by the Crimes Against Children Research Center. The data (which, based on a 2005 follow-up study was revised to one in seven) is based on a survey that asked teens if they had in the last year received an unwanted sexual solicitation.

But many (possibly most) of those solicitations were from other teens, not from adult predators. What’s more most recipients didn’t view them as serious or threatening, “almost all youth handled the solicitations easily and effectively” and “extremely few youth (two out of 1500 interviewed) were actually sexually victimized by someone they met online,” reported the authors of the study. Other studies have shown that “the stereotype of the Internet child molester who uses trickery and violence to assault children is largely inaccurate” (Wolak, Finkelhor & Mitchell, 2004). In a survey of law enforcement investigators of Internet sex crimes, it was reported that only 5% of offenders pretended to be teens when trying to meet potential victims online.

Those of us who work on Internet policy issues need to do a better job of helping the press and public put online safety risks in proper perspective. Misguided Internet legislation is often premised upon irrational or conjectural fears. Unfortunately, a lot of average moms have been swayed by misperceptions, many of which have been driven by the press or public interest groups that favor more regulation of the Net.