(I recently engaged my former Cato Institute colleague and fellow TLF blogger Jim Harper in a dialog about the effectiveness of U.S. engagement with China in terms of broadening human rights and speech rights in particular. I’ve been doing some soul-searching about this recently and asked Jim to help me think through the issue (and the “engagement is good” theory) again. What follows is the transcript of our e-mail exchange. A condensed version of this exchange also appaers on CNET today. – – Adam Thierer)

THIERER: Jim, I must admit, in recent months I have really been struggling with the issue of U.S. corporate engagement / investment in China. In particular, I have been wondering if my long-held assumption is correct: that greater engagement by U.S. companies in China will really help achieve meaningful reforms for its repressed citizenry. I have always argued that investment by U.S. companies – – and technology companies in particular – – could help break down some of the legal barriers to greater economic and social / cultural freedom.

In recent years, however, the reports from the front have not been good. It does not seem the U.S. corporate engagement / investment has really done much to effectuate positive reforms in the post-Tiananmen era. It seems that the Chinese are just as repressive as ever, especially on the political / cultural front. Worse yet, we know that many large American corporate technology leaders have actually assisted the efforts of Chinese officials when they sought to repress speech and dissent. (Microsoft, for example, has made news recently by shutting down a journalist’s blog because of material that might be offensive to Chinese authorities. And Yahoo and Google are coming under fire for playing ball with Chinese officials too.)

Tell me my fellow libertarian friend, are you not also troubled by these developments? Are you still comfortable with our traditional position on the issue?

HARPER: I recall, a few years ago, being very concerned when I heard that Google had come to an agreement with the Chinese government so that their service would not be blocked there. I had a natural sense of revulsion at the thought that any company, much less one of the technology companies that are doing so much to improve life around the world, would get in bed with censors and despots. Google has never been as forthcoming about what exactly they do to appease the Chinese as I would like them to be, so I suppose I am still uncomfortable with it.

But I have come to believe that the best option for a company faced with this dilemma is to accept the ugly conditions some governments put on doing business in their countries. This is for a couple of reasons: There is strong evidence that refusing trade doesn’t help anybody. The U.S. trade embargo toward Cuba has been a dismal failure. We’ve had some level of trade restrictions with Cuba for more than 40 years and, if anything, it has helped Castro by pauperizing the Cubans, demoralizing them, and shielding them from knowledge about the benefits of freedom. Heck, if we had had trade with Cuba the last 40 years, a steady diet of fast food probably would have killed off Fidel by now…

Just as importantly, if you give them the communications tools that these companies provide, the Chinese people will evade government controls and get done what we want them to get done, censorship or no censorship. You don’t have to use words like “falun gong” or “Taiwan” or “free speech” to communicate about liberty and public issues. Before Vaclac Havel was the first President of a free Czechoslovakia, he was a playwright. His plays weren’t political polemics that tweaked the nose of the government and invited censorship (though he got in plenty of trouble). They were subtle critiques of life under the regime. Everybody knew what he was talking about. Freedom had been in the hearts of the Czechs for years when the Velvet Revolution officially delivered it. Technology and communications are enabling this on a broader scale in China. It’s working. You’ll see.

Continue reading →

I’m kind of baffled by the network neutrality debate. Take this quote for example:

At the end of the day, Google’s Davidson says that his biggest worry is not for Google but for the prospect of bringing fresh innovation to the Internet. After all, if worse comes to worst, Google can pay AT&T or BellSouth to maintain its role as the Internet’s dominant search engine. But the bright young start-up with the next big innovative idea won’t have that option.

That’s the last paragraph from a long article about the network neutrality debate. The article implies that the outcome of the network neutrality debate could determine whether the telcos end up in control of the Internet.

Except that it doesn’t make a lot of sense. Take the paragraph I just quoted. I’m having trouble even imagining a plausible scenario in which the above could happen. Think about it: let’s say that Verizon wanted to get every website on the Internet to pay it a fee for access to its customer base. How would they do it?

The first step presumably, would be to send an email to the webmaster of each site, informing them that they’d be disconnected if they didn’t cough up the required fee. But it’s likely that most web site owners–especially the smaller ones–would ignore the notices. A lot of sites, such as this one, are run by volunteers and don’t have a lot of money to spend on tolls to Baby Bells. Others would calculate that it’s in their strategic interest not to pony up the cash–especially since they still have plenty of customers from other parts of the country. So then what would the Baby Bells do? Simply blocking access to the sites would be financial suicide. The vast majority of Internet users access at least a handful of small websites on a regular basis. Hence, if you shut off all non-paying websites at once, you’d piss off virtually all of your customers. You’d spend years repairing the financial and PR damage from a stunt like that.

They’d have the same kind of problem if they chose to degrade the performance of non-paying web sites rather than cutting them off entirely. That’s more likely to just make it look like their own Internet service sucks than harm the targetted sites. I would be sad if my TLF readers had to wait longer to read my posts, but not sad enough to cough up money to the company responsible to get them to stop. And you can bet we’d add a banner at the top that says “Verizon customers: is this site loading slowly? Click here to find out why.”

A slightly less draconian plan would be to allow everyone to use the existing bandwidth, but to limit access to additional bandwidth to those that paid a special fee. But even here, it’s hard to imagine them getting very far. I mean, imagine if Verizon approached Apple’s Steve Jobs and told him that they wanted him to cough up some money if he wanted to be allowed to use their new fiber capacity for his iTunes video store. You know what he’d do? First, he’d laugh at them. Then he’d point out that if they don’t give him access to their bandwidth, he can cause every copy of iTunes to pop up a little notification during long downloads that explains that it’s Verizon’s fault the download is slow and explains how to switch to another ISP. I’ll give you three guesses who would run out of the room with their tails between their legs.

In addition to having content consumers want, content providers also have a direct connection with their customers–in many cases much stronger than the connection the customers have with their cable or phone company. If content providers and telcos began engaging in brinkmanship, the outcome would depend crucially on who consumers blamed for the mess. In that kind of PR battle, the telcos wouldn’t have a prayer, given that essentially the whole Internet would be lined up against them, and people increasingly get their news and information from sources on the Internet.

So I don’t see how a Baby Bell would go about extorting money from web site owners without shooting themselves in the foot. I’m having trouble even envisioning a plausible scenario, much less one that is likely to actually happen. The idea of a balkanized Internet sounds ominous in the abstract, but when you try to imagine how it would actually happen, it doesn’t make a lot of sense. Telcos need content providers at least as much as content providers need telcos. Content providers know it.

The telcos are wrong about their ability to charge content providers for the use of their “pipes,” they’re right about one thing: “network neutrality” regulation is a solution in search of a problem.

Update: Although he’s more ambivalent about network neutrality regulation than I am, Ed Felton highlights some of the same problems.

As James mentioned in his blog entry yesterday, the Senate Commerce Committee held yet another hearing yesterday about “cleaning up” content on broadcast TV, cable & satellite TV, and the Internet too. One Senator after another, as well as some of the typical media critics who get called to testify at these things, made the claim that parents are helpless in the face of all the media that bombards their kids these days. But what’s so troubling about such calls for increased media regulation / censorship in the name of “protecting children” is that it ignores the fact that parents have many constructive alternatives to censorship at their disposal.

Let’s start with some basics.

Continue reading →

Once again, the topic of the day for the Senate Commerce Committee today was indecency on TV. Following up on two forums late last year on the topic, today’s hearing featured a raft of witnesses–ranging from the cable and satellite TV execs to former superlobbyist for Hollywood Jack Valenti.

The quote of the day, however, must go to anti-indecency crusader Brent Bozell, who has long championed more and bigger FCC fines for broadcast indecency. But, how is indecency to be defined? As another witness asked, should Michaelangelo’s David be clothed? Bozell argued that its a simple matter of making distinctions, saying: “[w]e need to define the difference between “offensive” and “really offensive.”

Of course. Finally, a clear answer to what should be banned. A simple test–is it “offensive” or is it “really offensive.” Maybe the test could be expanded a little, to include a category for “really, really offensive” stuff, and maybe “really, really, super-offensive” stuff. Certainly, that finally provides certainty.

Bozell’s comment, of course, underscores the inherent difficultly in defining the scope of censorship. And to be fair, Bozell declined to endorse expanding the flawed system to cable TV. Instead, he argued that cable providers with a la carte choice. Of course, he didn’t call for regulation, he just “suggested” that providers do this. (See Adam Thierer’s excellent piece on the implicit threat in such jawboning.) There is, of course, an option besides suggestion and regulation–that’s competition. Let others into the video business. AT&T and BellSouth said they’d like to provide a la carte service–but regulations are slowing their entry into the market. But Bozell–nor any of the others at today’s hearing–mentioned that option. Perhaps that isn’t offensive, but it is certainly disappointing.

There’s a great conversation going on over at Marginal Revolution about net neutrality. As a card carrying free-marketeer I feel I’m expected to support Verizon, AT&T and the rest when they demand payment for use of their pipes. But I haven’t made up my mind yet. While net neutrality looks like forced access redux, I think it’s actually a much more complicated issue.

I am skeptical of regulation or legislation to enforce neutrality; preemptive regulation hardly ever works out they way it is intended. However, as Tyler Cowen points out, tiering the internet would change the nature of online content:

The beauty of the status quo is that web sites compete on the basis of consumer surplus alone. The bandwidth costs end up as a fixed charge on net access as a whole; I suspect this hits many inelastic demanders, a’la the Ramsey rules for optimal taxation. Admittedly it may be a bad deal for the poor who cannot afford to connect, but the overall arrangement enhances the long-run “competition of ideas” feature of the net.

It seems to me that the obvious solution to this problem is to get rid of flat-rate access charges and move to variable prices based on bandwidth usage. Sadly, consumers have historically resisted per-unit access charges, even when they would have come out ahead. They like the idea of not being rushed to disconnect or feeling pressure to monitor and cap their use.

What’s more, bandwidth consumption in itself is not the problem. Bandwidth consumption at peak times, causing congestion, is the real problem. But, as Arnold King points out, the internet is not suited to incorporate congestion-based pricing:

Think of Internet packets as envelopes with very exact formats for the address. The format does not provide for a way to designate the envelope as “high priority.” Even if it did, the cost of reading the “priority bit” on every packet header would almost surely exceed the benefits of congestion pricing.

Even if we did want to go the route of a two-tiered internet anyway, with one tier getting preferred delivery, it’s not clear how we can do this without breaking what makes the net unique. Ed Felten clarifies that “although the two-tier network is sometimes explained as if there were two tiers of network infrastructure, the obvious and efficient implementation in practice would be to have a single fast network, and to impose deliberate delay or bandwidth throttling on non-preferred traffic.”

So, I guess what I’m ultimately arriving at is that while I’m far from sold on net neutrality regulation, I like the neutral nature of the internet. And, given that it would be technically difficult and unpopular with consumers to tier the net, I’d like to think that a free market would preserve neutrality. What we need to ensure is robust competition so that a small number of ISPs can’t push this down consumers throats. Jeff Pulver is right that what Google, Apple, and Yahoo need to do is call the telcos’ bluff and make it clear they’re not going to consider paying the ISPs. What’s are the ISPs going to do? Tell their customers they can no longer access Google or iTunes?

A la carte regulation continues to be a hot topic these days and I’ve recently penned two new editorials on the subject.

First, I have a piece in today’s National Review Online with the rather boring title “A La Carte Cable Concerns.” It’s a response to this piece by Cesar Conda in which he made they case for conservatives to support a la carte regulation.

Second, Ray Gifford and I penned an editorial on a la carte for the Rocky Mountain News last week as a counter-point to an essay by Brent Bozell and Gene Kimmelman. Our editorial can be found here.

For more background on the a la carte debate, read my PFF paper on the “Moral and Philosophical Aspects of the Debate over A La Carte Regulation” and this essay on “A ‘Voluntary’ Charade: The ‘Family-Friendly Tier’ Case Study.”

Yet More Telecom Competition

by on January 17, 2006

Here’s another example of the ever-increasing competition in the telecom industry: BusinessWeek reports that Rupert Murdoch is considering investing a billion dollars to transform the DirecTV satellit network, which currently allows only one-way transmission of high-bandwidth content, into a full-fledged broadband network offering voice, video, and data service. That would put it squarely in competition with the cable industry and the Baby Bells, both of whom are moving toward that same type of “triple play” broadband service.

If Murdoch follows through with this, and if the Baby Bells roll out fiber-optic networks as planned, that will mean that most homes will have at least three options each for voice, video, and data services.

Actually, there are more choices than that: there are already a half-dozen mobile phone companies competing for voice business. For video, consumers have the option of broadcast TV, which now features crystal-clear picture due to digital transmission. And Internet Giants like Google, AOL, and Apple seem to be announcing new Internet video options every month. And for data, there are dedicated lines available at the high end, and dial-up modem access at the low end of the market, not to mention a growing number of WiFi hotspots. In short, the typical consumer has a dizzying array of choices for all of his telecom needs.

Why exactly are we still regulating these industries as though they’re natural monopolies?

Is Patrick Ross trying to make his own side look bad?

The conference heard a compelling perspective on software patents from Guenther Schmalz, director of IP for Europe for SAP, the largest European software maker and the third-largest software maker in the world. SAP burst on the scene in the early1970s, like Microsoft moving into areas of software that IBM had no interest in commoditizing. For years SAP grew and grew and had no patents. Now they’re ramping up a major patent office with a few dozen attorneys around the world. Why? “Times have changed,” Schmalz said. In the early days, SAP’s competitors were way behind, but now competitors are everywhere. Patents are the only way for SAP to ensure returns on its development investment, he said, adding that copyright is no solution, as the actual writing of code only makes up about 20% of the development of software.

“Those who drive innovation need patents,” he said. “Those who don’t imitate.”

To put this a little bit differently, in the past, SAP was an innovative company that was able to stay ahead of the competition by virtue of their superior technology. However, now that they’re a fat, lazy incumbent, they’re discovering the joys of using patent law as a club against their more innovative competitors.

The idea that creators have the right to recoup all of the value they create is a common idea in intellectual property debates. Larry Lessig quotes NYU law professor Rochelle Dreyfuss as dubbing this the “if value, then right” theory of intellectual property. It’s an idea that sounds intuitively plausible, but with a little bit of reflection, it becomes obvious how pernicious it is.

After all, capitalism is founded on the ideal of vigorous competition. When some entrepreneur invents a new product category of business model–say, the fast-food restaurant–he invariably attracts a swarm of competitors. Competition forces down the prices in this newly-created industry, preventing the innovator from capturing the full value of his or her invention. Ray Kroc’s invention of the fast food restaurant, for example, created a whole lot of value, and most of that value went to consumers, not to Kroc. He wasn’t able to use the law to exclude competitors and “ensure returns” on his innovation. To the contrary, under our economic system, he was required to continue innovating if he wanted to turn a profit.

It’s quite possible that Kroc felt resentful toward these upstart “imitators” who copied his business model without (he would claim) adding value themselves. But that’s the way the business world works. Competition is cutthroat, and businesses who stop innovating shrivel up and die. That’s as it should be, and consumers benefit tremendously from such creative destruction.

By the same token, SAP probably resents all these pesky little companies that are barging in on market opportunities that they pioneered. Tough. If they want to stay at the top of their industry, they need to continue innovating. They have no right to expect the government to “ensure returns” on their investments. That’s the way it goes in most other industries, and it’s the way the software industry ought to work as well.

Telecom Reform: Just Say No

by on January 17, 2006 · 2 comments

Over at Brainwash, I argue that the best outcome libertarians can hope for from the telecom reform debate is probably for Congress to do nothing.

The question Congress ought to be asking is: “why are we regulating these industries at all?” Telecommunications regulations are traditionally justified as a way to limit “natural monopolies,” but there don’t seem to be any monopolies left. A sensible telecom reform would repeal the anachronistic regulations that draw increasingly meaningless distinctions among voice, video and data services.

Instead, Congress is headed in precisely the opposite direction. In September, the House released a draft of proposed telecom legislation that would create three new categories of service: Broadband Internet Transmission Service (BITS), Broadband Video Service (BVS), and Voice Over Internet Protocol Service (VoIP). Each of these services would be subject to its own set of arcane regulations, which are largely focused on shoehorning 21st-century services into a 20th-century regulatory framework.

Obviously, it would be great if Congress saw the light and passed genuine deregulation. But I think the odds of that are very, very low. And as I argue in the essay, the 1996 Telecom Act is now so out of touch with reality that it amounts to de facto deregulation, as the FCC just doesn’t have the authority to regulate the latest technologies. Let’s hope it stays that way.

Can You Copyright Viagra?

by on January 12, 2006

James DeLong analogizes pharmaceutical and software patents:

The general principle is that if governments remove the incentives for invention and innovation, then (surprise!) it does not happen. This applies to software and other creative products as well as pharma.

This is a plausible point until you realize that software is already protected by copyright law. And for a variety of reasons I’ve argued before, software patents have a lot more flaws than software copyright. I have yet to see anyone explain why software patents are necessary, given that copyright law appears to give plenty of protection for precisely the same investments.