Best and Worst Supreme Court Decisions

by Alex Harris on February 15, 2009 · View Comments

The Supreme Court building (thank Chief Justice Taft!)During my summer internship at CEI, a couple of us interns discussed the book Cato’s Robert Levy published last May, The Dirty Dozen: How Twelve Supreme Court Cases Radically Expanded Government and Eroded Freedom. We looked at Levy’s list of the worst decisions and sent each other lists of our own. Now that I’m taking ConLaw, I feel as though the time has come to post my lists of the twelve worst and the twelve best Supreme Court decisions of all time. It is by no means an exhaustive list. My inclusion of different cases than Levy does not indicate that I disagree with his assessment that those decisions are terrible – just maybe not as bad as the ones I select.

The Dirty DozenThe Worst:

  1. The Slaughter-House Cases (1873). The very worst decision ever made by the US Supreme Court. Eviscerated the 14th Amendment only five years after its adoption. It is best known for reading the Privileges or Immunities Clause, which was supposed to be (and could have been) a vehicle for both incorporation and unenumerated rights, out of the Constitution. But it also wrote out the Due Process Clause and the Equal Protection Clause, though those two clauses eventually crawled back into existence, to a degree.
  2. Katzenbach v. McClung (1964). It was tough to decide which of the various cases reading the Commerce Clause expansively enough to permit Congress to pass any law it desires, thus destroying the basis of the federal government as one of defined and limited powers to include. But McClung seems to be the most expansive in both its result and its holding.

  1. West Coast Hotel v. Parrish (1937). Abdicated the Supreme Court’s responsibility to prevent states from violating “economic” rights. Unlike the Commerce Clause cases, which were weakly limited by Lopez and Morrison, the freedom of contract cases have never recovered from Justice Roberts’ despicable “switch in time.”
  2. Dred Scott v. Sandford (1857). The Court almost always does a good thing when it invalidates a law as being unconstitutional. Not here, where Chief Justice Taney overturned the Missouri Compromise with its promise of some limitations on slavery, relying on a ridiculous, convoluted, and racist reading of the Constitution as mandating that all African-Americans forever be treated as property. Chief Justice Hughes was right to call it a “self-inflicted wound,” as it resulted in the stigmatization of the Court’s role in deciding the constitutionality of laws, in particular on substantive due process grounds.
  3. Korematsu v. United States (1944). Held that the government could lock thousands of U.S. citizens in concentration camps because of military necessity. Introduced “strict scrutiny,” while demonstrating its patent inadequacy. On the plus side, Jackson’s and Murphy’s dissents are some of the best ever written.
  4. United States v. Carolene Products (1938). Typical case of the post-’36 era ignoring the Court’s responsibility to decide the constitutionality of laws. But Footnote Four made it even worse. Justice Stone introduced the idea of levels of scrutiny, claiming that it was fine in some cases for the Court to abdicate its role as the arbiter of the Constitution but less so in others. Made “economic” rights count less than other rights – and ensured that no right would ever be upheld just because the Constitution guaranteed it. Rather, the Court should uphold unconstitutional laws as long as the legislature had a really good reason (only a not-totally-insane reason in other cases) for passing it.
  5. Plessy v. Ferguson (1896). The Court decide that separate “but equal” was fine, and so refused to overturn blatantly unconstitutional Jim Crow laws for generations.
  6. Shelley v. Kraemer (1948). The 14th Amendment – and the rest of the Constitution – impose limitations on what the government may do; that’s both in the text and the nature of what a constitution is. Shelley v. Kramer eviscerated the “No State shall…” language of the 14th Amendment, by invalidating private contracts as in violation of the Amendment.
  7. City of Boerne v. Flores (1997). Bad for two reasons. First, it overturned the “ratchet” interpretation of Section 5 of the 14th Amendment given by Katzenbach v. Morgan, thus holding that Congress cannot prevent states from violating any rights the Court hasn’t already said the states can’t violate. Second, the particular law it overturned was the Religious Freedom Restoration Act, designed to restore Sherbert v. Verner‘s interpretation of the Free Exercise Clause over the Court’s interprtation of it in Employment Division v. Smith, where the Court held that laws of general applicability can constitutionally prohibit the free exercise of religion.
  8. Home Building & Loan Association v. Blaisdell (1934). Abandoned the Contract Clause, upholding a state law impairing the obligation of creditors to pay their debts.
  9. Chevron v. NRDC (1984). Introduced “Chevron deference,” allowing administrative agencies to decide what the law is for themselves. Though higher courts review lower courts’ legal determinations de novo, administrative agencies get a much broader say in what the law is.
  10. Buck v. Bell (1927). Justice Holmes upheld forced sterilization of the mentally ill, saying “three generations of imbeciles are enough.”

The Best:

  1. Marbury v. Madison (1803). Got the Court in the business of overturning unconstitutional laws, thus making the Court the best of the three branches (for it can pass no laws of its own, merely decline to enforce bad ones made by the others).
  2. Lochner v. New York (1905). Lochner was not the first, the last, or the strongest case enforcing the Due Process Clause of the 14th Amendment to prevent states from passing laws restricting freedom of contract. But it has served as the icon of the era, probably because of Holmes’ dissent. The Court held that a person who wants to work more than a certain number of hours can do so, in spite of state protectionist legislation to the contrary.
  3. United States v. E.C. Knight (1895). Pointed out that the Commerce Clause only allows Congress to “regulate commerce… among the several states,” not manufacturing of products which then go out of state.
  4. Griswold v. Connecticut (1965). Overturned anti-contraception laws. The justices varied in their reasoning. Douglas’s majority spoke of “penumbras” around enumerated rights. Harlan spoke of substantive due process (an interpretation later ratified in Lawrence v. Texas). But the best was Goldberg’s concurrence, invoking the totally-neglected Ninth Amendment and arguing that it serves as an interpretative guide for the Constitution, saying that rights should be read expansively.
  5. Brown v. Board (1954). Overturned Plessy and got the Court involved in overturning state laws violating civil rights.
  6. Reynolds v. Sims (1964). Following in the wake of Baker v. Carr, the Court held that states could not deprive their citizens of equal votes by screwy districting.
  7. Mapp v. Ohio (1961). Introduced the exclusionary rule to the states, putting some teeth into the Fourth Amendment.
  8. United States v. Butler (1936). Limited the Taxing and Spending Clause by holding that Congress couldn’t use it as “a means to an unconstitutional end,” namely the regulation of intrastate activities.
  9. West Virginia v. Barnette (1943). Justice Jackson’s well-written majority opinion overturned state laws forcing saluting the flag, thus allowing religious freedom for Jehovah’s Witnesses and expanding speech rights.
  10. Schechter Poultry v. United States (1935). Applied EC Knight to police the Commerce Clause, but also held that Congress could not delegate lawmaking authority to administrative agencies.
  11. Reno v. ACLU (1997). Applied strict scrutiny to laws infringing freedom of speech on the Internet and overturned the bad parts of the Communications Decency Act (leaving the good Section 230 safe harbor provision).
  12. Engel v. Vitale (1962). Overturned state official-led school prayer and got the Court into policing the Establishment Clause in a meaningful way.

View Comments Posted in: First Amendment, Free Speech & Online Child Safety, Privacy, Security & Government Surveillance, Sin on the 'Net, Telecom & Cable Regulation, What We're Reading

  • Wes Montgomery
    I just wanted to add... I feel that Levy focuses too much on the outcome of the individual cases rather than long term implications on constitutional law, in situations where it fits his arguments (which are in turn slaved to his views on contemporary politics) and vice-versa when it does not. If he was a justice, he surely would have supported child labor in the name of contractual freedom and a weakened commerce clause... he's obviously a pundit, not a legal scholar.
  • Wes Montgomery
    You seem to be of a liberal stance, at least in respect to civil rights and freedom of expression. Why do you refer to Roberts' "Switch in time" as despicable? Besides the fact that it was not his own opinion... he saved the court from being transformed into a ridiculous mess of an institution, and upheld minimum wage laws. The damage done to the contract clause was excusable, allowing federal laws to protect employees and ensure they are free to unionize when they choose. It seems like in too many situations, you took Levy's word for it... I bought his book to help with a research paper on constitutional law, and was shocked. I consider myself a moderate, and he bases his picks for the "worst" rulings on extremely shallow right-leaning criteria rather than considering historical context and what has benefited our nation and its people most in the long run. I think you aren't letting your own opinions be heard over his nonsense. Great article though, it mostly useful as a starting point for my research.
  • dinukedesilva
    I think that Loving V. Virginia (overturned ban on interracial marriage) should be in the top 12 best supreme court decisions, but I still thought it was a grat list.
  • Jesse
    Where's Bush v Gore?
  • Meh.

    The remedy in Bush v. Gore made NO SENSE. In fact, the reasoning supported essentially an OPPOSITE remedy - a statewide recount on some sort of equal basis. But I'm down with the Court taking Reynolds v. Sims very seriously and making sure votes are counted equally. What was really egregious was that the Court basically admitted it was just making a political, one-off, decision and never used it as precedent to make the states shape up their voting practices.
  • Alex
    AMENDMENT:

    Reitman was worse than Shelley.

    http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Reitman_v._Mulkey
  • Alex
    Wow.... Lochner is a terrible decision. The courts making policy decision on a specific level?
  • Shelley Kraemer
    I guess you didn't read Shelley. It does not, in fact, invalidate private contracts as in violation of the 14th Amendment. Rather, the court held that it would violate the 14th amendment for the state to enforce a racially-discriminatory covenant by taking title in land away from its rightful purchasers and kicking those rightful purchasers off their land. If people want to enter into racially discriminatory covenants, they can still do so after Shelley -- they just can't use the power of the state to enforce their bigotry. You can disagree with the opinion (either because you think racially discriminatory coventants are hunky dory or, as I suspect, for loftier reasons like thinking the court could have reached a similar conclusion on even narrower grounds) but to label Shelley as the 8th-worst Supreme Court decision ever - just behind Plessy v. Ferguson and several spots "above" Buck v. Bell - is ludicrous.
  • The Court did eventually extend the decision to banning not just enforcement of a restrictive covenant by an injunction but also via damages in Barrows v. Jackson. Perhaps I spoke too broadly in saying that Shelley banned private contracts. It may be more akin to laws in some states regarding gambling contracts - they are not banned, but just not enforceable. I would argue that the equal protection clause does not require, and even forbids, this. The state is not itself discriminating when it enforces a contract agreed to by all parties to it - it is merely enforcing the will of those parties themselves (though specific performance may go too far in general, not just in discriminatory covenants). And, moreover, to treat contracts differently based on what they say is to deny certain contracting parties the "equal protection of the laws." I don't think the state should be able to make content-based restrictions on the enforceability of contracts any more than it can make content-based restrictions on speech.

    Shelley v. Kraemer has stood for decades as the ground upon which many commentators have attacked the "state action doctrine," which is of course not a doctrine but a plain requirement of the subject of Section 1 of the 14th Amendment. It proposes to find state action depriving a person of the equal protection of the laws any time a private actor discriminates and the state acts, even if the state's action does not deprive anyone of equal protection of the laws.

    It is essential to separate permitting from acting, and state action from private action. Shelley undermines this line.
  • Great list Alex. As far as worst Supreme Court decisions affecting free speech go, I'd like to put in a special word for Red Lion (1969) and Pacifica (1978). Absolute contortions of the First Amendment.
  • Amen, Alex. Do you see any special relevance of these cases to technology policy?

    For what it's worth, I would highly recommend The Politically Incorrect Guide to the Constitution by Kevin Gutzman (as reviewed by David Gordon here)
  • Admittedly, not really. If I were making a best and worst list for cases implicating tech policy, Reno v. ACLU and Chevron v. NRDC would definitely be on there. But I'd also add quite a few more that have narrower constitutional significance, like Eldred v. Ashcroft.

    Also, I'm not exactly a big fan of the Mises Institute view of the Constitution. Didn't they write a bunch of stuff defending secession?
  • Uh, yeah. And what's wrong with that, again? Don't tell me you buy that nonsense about the perpetual and indissoluble Union!

    One might argue that Lincoln's subjugation of the South was morally justified by its result (ending slavery) whether or not that was actually Lincoln's intention. But one need not fall into the common intellectual error of equating the constitutional debate over secession with the issue of slavery.

    As Gutzman argues, the states were the parties to the Constitution and it is ultimately to their understanding of the document that we must look to understand its meaning. Virginia, at least, clearly understood the constitution to be a compact among the states, which any state was free to leave at any time. These were the principles upon which Jefferson and Madison stood in 1798 against the Alien & Sedition acts (long before slavery took a leading role in these arguments). These were also the principles upon which New England states threatened to secede in 1814.

    Anyway, I'd settle for the good ol' Articles of Confederation any day. Alas...
  • Szoka... are you really trying to start a fight about the Articles of Confederation?! Not that I'm against the idea of state secession, but the Articles were a disastrous failure in terms of trade and commerce. You really need to read my first book -- The Delicate Balance -- about federalism and interstate commerce! I lay out my case against the Articles in there. The internal trade system that made America great would not have been possible without abandoning the Articles and moving to the Constitution. And can you imagine something like the Internet coming about without a national framework governing trade among the states? Never could have happened.

    What we need is the U.S. Constitution with the release valve of secession when states want to exercise that right. Of course, they would also lose most of their trade rights with the union at that time. And most of them would never exercise their right to break away for that reason. But the threat of doing so would provide a nice check on the growth of the federal Leviathan.
  • I guess I don't mean to rehash debates about the adoption of the Constitution and secession during the Founding era, but I do think that the Constitution imposes some severe limitations on what the states can do, in addition to what the national government can do. It is true that the national government is bound by more limitations, mostly because the national government has enumerated powers whereas the states have plenary-ish police power. But I think the 14th Amendment, the 9th Amendment, and even Article I Section 10 impose extremely stringent limitations on state power - far more stringent than have ever been recognized. The compact theory doesn't really explain why the states would impose such strong limitations on themselves nor why those limitations should be enforced. It's clearly not all just horizontal federalism!
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