I’ve been floating around in conservative policy circles for 30 years and I have spent much of that time covering media policy and child safety issues. My time in conservative circles began in 1992 with a 9-year stint at the Heritage Foundation, where I launched the organization’s policy efforts on media regulation, the Internet, and digital technology. Meanwhile, my work on child safety has spanned 4 think tanks, multiple blue ribbon child safety commissions, countless essays, dozens of filings and testimonies, and even a multi-edition book.

During this three-decade run, I’ve tried my hardest to find balanced ways of addressing some of the legitimate concerns that many conservatives have about kids, media content, and online safety issues. Raising kids is the hardest job in the world. My daughter and son are now off at college, but the last twenty years of helping them figure out how to navigate the world and all the challenges it poses was filled with difficulties. This was especially true because my daughter and son faced completely different challenges when it came to media content and online interactions. Simply put, there is no one-size-fits-all playbook when it comes to raising kids or addressing concerns about healthy media interactions.

Something Must Be Done!

My personal approach, as I summarized in my book on these issues, was to first and foremost do everything in my power to (a) keep an open mind about new media content and platforms, and (b) ensure an open line of ongoing communication with my kids about the issues they might be facing. Shutting down conversation or calling for others to come in and save the day were the worst two options, in my opinion. As I summarized in my book, “At the end of the day, there is simply no substitute for talking to our children in an open, loving, and understanding fashion about the realities of-this world, including the more distasteful bits.” This was my Parental Prime Directive, if you will. I just always wanted to make sure that my kids felt like they could talk to me about their issues, no matter how varied, horrible, or heart-breaking those problems might be.

When talking with other parents through the years, I’ve heard about their own unique concerns and struggles. Every family faces different challenges because no two kids or situations are alike. Moreover, the challenges can feel overwhelming in our modern world of information abundance, which is flush with ubiquitous communications and media options. Sometimes these parental frustrations can fester and grow into a sort of rage until you finally hear folks utter that famous phrase: Something must be done! And that “something” is often some sort of government regulation “for the children.”

Again, I get it. When all your best efforts to help or protect your kids don’t seem to work according to plan, it’s only natural to call for help. But there are very serious problems associated with calling on government for that help. When legislators and regulators are asked to play the role of National Nanny, it comes with all the same baggage that accompanies many other efforts by the government to intervene in our lives or control what people or organizations can say or do.

Conservative Contradictions

These are particularly sensitive issues for many conservatives, both because conservatives tend to have more heightened concerns about media content and online safety issues, and also because the steps they often recommend to address these issues can quickly come into conflict with their own first principles.

Let me run through six ways that support for media content controls and child safety regulations can sometimes run afoul of conservative principles.

1) It’s a rejection of personal responsibility

Again, I understand all too well how hard parenting can be. But that does not mean we should abdicate our parental responsibilities to the State. Conservatives have spent decades fighting government when it comes to broken schools and the supposed brainwashing many kids get in them. The rallying cry of conservatives has long been: Let us have a greater say in how we raise and educate our children because the State is failing us or betraying our values.

Thus, when conservatives suggest that the State should be making decisions for us as it pertains to anything the government says is a “child safety” issue, there is some serious cognitive dissonance going on there. In his humorous Devil’s Dictionary, Ambrose Bierce jokingly defined responsibility as, “A detachable burden easily shifted to the shoulders of God, Fate, Fortune, Luck or one’s neighbor. In the days of astrology it was customary to unload it upon a star.” For parental responsibility to actually mean something, it has to be more than a “detachable burden” that we unload upon government.

2) It’s an embrace of the administrative state & arbitrary rule by unelected bureaucrats

Beyond the classroom, conservatives have long been concerned about the specter of massive administrative agencies and armies of unelected bureaucrats controlling our lives from the shadows. I’ve spent decades working with conservative organizations and scholars trying to get the administrative state under some control to scale back its enormous power, arbitrary edicts, and costly burdens. Over-criminalization has become such a problem that, according to the Heritage Foundation, “regulatory offenses… have proliferated to the point that, literally, nobody knows how many federal criminal regulations exist today.” We’re all criminals of some sort in the eyes of the modern regulatory state.

Yet, when conservatives advocate the expansion of the administrative state through new “online safety” regulations, they are just making the over-criminalization problem worse, including by treating our own children as guilty parties for simply trying to access the primary media platforms of their generation and interact with their friends there. For example, calls to ban all teens from social media until they’re 18 would result in the most massive “forbidden fruit” nightmare in American history, with every teen suddenly becoming a criminal actor and working together to tunnel around bans using the same sort of VPNs and evasion technologies people in China and other repressive nations use to get around over-bearing speech policies. [See: “Again, We Should Not Ban All Teens from Social Media”]

Needless to say, all this regulation and bureaucratic empowerment would have massive negative externalities for online freedom more generally as the era of “permissionless innovation” is replaced by a new age of permission-slip regulation.

3) It’s a rejection of the First Amendment & free speech rights

Conservatives have spent many decades pushing for greater First Amendment-based freedoms as it pertains to religious liberty and or organizational/corporate speech issues. Thus, when conservatives seek to undermine free speech principles and jurisprudence in the name of child safety, it could undo everything conservatives have been fighting to accomplish in those other contexts.

Conservatives are understandably upset with some social media platforms for being too over-zealous with certain types of speech takedowns or de-platformings. But two wrongs don’t make a right, and they should not be calling on Big Government to be imposing its own editorial judgments in place of private actors. [See: “The Great Deplatforming of 2021“ and “When It Comes to Fighting Social Media Bias, More Regulation Is Not the Answer.“]

4) It’s a rejection of property rights and freedom more generally

Related to the previous two points, conservatives have long upheld the sanctity of property rights in many different contexts. This includes the property rights that private establishments enjoy under the Constitution to generally decide how to structure their operations, who they will do business with, and how they will do so. Private organizations and religious institutions possess not only free speech rights in this regard, but property and contractual rights, too.

But when it comes to “child safety” mandates, some conservatives would toss all this out the window and undermine those rights, replacing them with burdensome regulatory mandates that tell private parties how to conduct their affairs. Again, there’s a lot of cognitive dissonance going on here and it could have serious blowback for conservatives when the property / contractual rights of other people or organizations are undermined on similar grounds.

5) It’s an embrace of frivolous lawsuits & the trial lawyers that bring them

The last time I checked, trial lawyers were not exactly the most conservative-friendly constituency. For many decades, conservatives have looked to advance tort reform, limit junk science and frivolous lawsuits, and make sure that the courts don’t engage in excessive judicial activism.

Unfortunately, many of the child safety regulations being proposed today would empower the regulatory state and trial lawyers at the same time. Many of the bills being floated open the door to open-ended litigation and potentially punishing liability for private platforms — and not just against deep-pocketed “Big Tech” companies. The fact is, once conservatives open the litigation floodgates based on amorphous accusations of potential online safety harms, they will be empowering the tort bar (one of the biggest supporters of the Democratic Party, no less) to launch a legal jihad against any and every media platform out there. Good luck putting that genie back in the bottle once you unleash it.

6) It’s an embrace of the same moral panic arguments your parents leveled against you

How quickly we forget the accusations our own parents and others leveled against us as children. Remember when video games were going to make us a lost generation of murderous youth? Or when rap and rock-and-roll music were going to send us straight to hell? Today, those kids are all grown up and trying to tell us that they are fine but it’s this latest generation that is doomed. It’s just an endless generational cycle of moral panics. [See: “Why Do We Always Sell the Next Generation Short?” and “Confessions of a ‘Vidiot’: 50 Years of Video Games & Moral Panics”] Today’s conservatives need to remember that they, too, were once kids and somehow muddled through to adulthood.

The “3-E” Approach Is the Better Answer

At this point, some of the people who’ve read this far are screaming at the screen: “So, are you saying we should just do nothing!?”

Absolutely not. But it is important that we consider less onerous and more practical ways to address these challenging issues without falling prey to Big Government gimmicks that would undermine other important principles. We should start by acknowledging that there are no easy fixes or silver-bullet solutions. The plain truth of the matter is that the best solutions here can seem messy and unsatisfying to many because they require enormous ongoing efforts to mentor and assist our kids at a far deeper level than some folks are comfortable with.

For example, it is just insanely uncomfortable to have to speak with your kids about online bullying or harassment, pornography, violence in movies and games, hate speech, and so on. And I haven’t even mentioned the hardest things to talk to kids about: The daily news of the real world: wars, violence, tragic accidents, famines, etc. Honestly, the hardest conversations I’ve had to have with my kids were those about school shootings. By comparison, many other discussions about online content and interactions were much easier. To the extent that we’re attempting to measure and address negative media affects, I firmly believe that there a few things in this world more horrifying to kids — or harder to talk with them about — than the first 10 minutes of what’s on cable news each hour of the day.

Regardless, whether we’re talking about the potential “harms” or mass media or online content, we cannot pretend there exists a simple solution to any of it. Here’s the better approach.

I recently authored a study for the American Enterprise Institute on, “Governing Emerging Technology in an Age of Policy Fragmentation and Disequilibrium.” It was my attempt to sketch out a flexible, pragmatic, bottom-up set of governance principles for modern technology platforms and issues. In that report, I noted how “[t]he First Amendment constitutes a particularly high barrier to the use of hard law in the United States,” and that court challenges were likely to continue to block many of the regulatory efforts being floated today, just as been the case countless times before in recent decades. Thus, we need to have backup approaches to online safety beyond one-size-fits-all regulatory Hail Mary passes.

I have described that backup plan as the “3-E” approach or “layered approach” to online safety:

• Empowerment of parents: Parental controls cannot solve all the world’s problems. It’s better to view them as helpful speed bumps or emergency alerts for when things are going badly for your child. In the old days, we placed a lot of faith in filtering, and that still has a role along with other tools that help place some reasonable limits not only on content but also overall consumption. But the best types of parental empowerment are those that force conversations between parents and kids by allowing reasonable monitoring to happen that is scaled by age (as in more limits for younger kids until they are gradually relaxed over time). And other carrot-and-stick tools and approaches are incredibly useful in helping parents place smart limits on youth activity and overall consumption.
• Education of youth: Education is the strategy with the most lasting impact for online safety. Education and digital literacy provide skills and wisdom that can last a lifetime. Specifically, education can help teach both kids (and adults!) how to behave in — or respond to — a wide variety of situations. Building resiliency and encouraging healthy interactions is the goal.
• Enforcement of existing laws: There are many sensible and straightforward laws already in place that address more concrete types of harm and harassment. And we have lots of laws pertaining to fraud and unfair and deceptive practices. Sometimes these rules can be challenging (and time-consuming) to enforce, but they constitute an existing backstop that can handle most worst-case scenarios when other less-restrictive steps fall short. And we should certainly tap these existing remedies before advancing unworkable new regulatory regimes.

I noted in my AEI study that, between 2000 and 2010, six major online-safety task forces or blue-ribbon commissions were formed to study online-safety issues and consider what should be done to address them. Each of them recommended some variant of the “3-E” approach as they encouraged a variety of best practices, educational approaches, and technological-empowerment solutions to address various safety concerns. Self-regulatory codes, private content-rating systems, and a wide variety of different parental-control technologies all proliferated during this period. Many multi-stakeholder initiatives and other organizations were also formed to address governance issues collaboratively. There are countless groups doing important work on this front today, including my old friends at the Family Online Safety Institute (FOSI) among many others.

These organizations push for a layered approach to online safety and work closely with educators, child development experts, and other academics and activists to find workable solutions to new online safety challenges as they arise. Their work is never done, and at times it can feel overwhelming. But, again, it’s the nature of the task at hand. We all must work together to continuously devise new and better approaches to addressing these challenges, because they will be endless. But let’s please not expect that we can unload these responsibilities on government and expect regulators to somehow handle it for us.

Do the Ends Justify the Means When it Comes to Media & Content Control?

I could be wasting my breath here because I’ve been attempting to appeal to conservative principles that may be rapidly disappearing from the modern conservative movement. Donald Trump radically disrupted everything in American politics, but especially the Republican Party. Many so-called national conservatives now live by Trump’s central operating principle: The ends justify the means. The ends are “owning the libs” in any way possible. And “the libs” include not only anyone on the Left of the political spectrum, but even those individuals and institutions that Trumpian conservatives believe are “the enemy” and controlled by “liberal interests.” By their definition, this now includes virtually all large media and technology companies and platforms. Thus, when we turn to the means, it’s increasingly the case that just about anything goes — including many traditional conservative principles.

To see how far we’ve come, recall what President Ronald Reagan said 35 years ago when vetoing an effort to reinstate the Fairness Doctrine. “History has shown that the dangers of an overly timid or biased press cannot be averted through bureaucratic regulation, but only through the freedom and compe­tition that the First Amendment sought to guarantee,” he said. At the time, President Reagan was confronted with some of the same arguments we hear today about media being too biased or conservatives not getting a fair shake. But he called upon his fellow conservatives to reject the idea that Big Government was the solution to such problems.

Unfortunately, Mr. Trump and some of his most loyal followers and even some major conservative groups today have largely given up on this logic and instead embraced regulation. While Trumpian conservatives love to decry everyone they oppose as “communists,” ironically it is this same group that is embracing a sort of communications collectivism as it pertains to modern media control. In the Trumpian worldview, media and tech platforms are useful only to the extent they carry out the will of the party — or at least the man on top of it.

These national conservatives have made a horrible miscalculation. Feeling aggrieved by Big Tech “bias,” or just feeling overwhelmed by things they don’t like about online platforms, they’ve decided that two wrongs make a right. In reality, two political wrongs never make a right, but they almost always combine to make government a lot bigger and more powerful.

It’s an incredibly naïve gamble almost certainly destined to fail, but they should ask themselves what it means if it works. This endless ratcheting effect will result in comprehensive state control of most channels of communications and information dissemination. Is this a game that you really think you can play better than the Lefties?

I’ll close by returning to one of Reagan’s favorite jokes. He always used to say that, “The nine most terrifying words in the English language are: I’m from the government and I’m here to help.” I would suggest that an even scarier version of that line would be, “We’re from the government and we’re here to help you parent your kids.”

Don’t let it be you uttering that line.

______________

Additional Reading

· Adam Thierer, “Again, We Should Not Ban All Teens from Social Media”

· Adam Thierer, “Why Do We Always Sell the Next Generation Short?”

· Adam Thierer, “The Classical Liberal Approach to Digital Media Free Speech Issues”

· Adam Thierer, “Confessions of a ‘Vidiot’: 50 Years of Video Games & Moral Panics”

· Adam Thierer, “Left and right take aim at Big Tech — and the First Amendment“

· Adam Thierer, “When It Comes to Fighting Social Media Bias, More Regulation Is Not the Answer“

· Adam Thierer, “Ongoing Series: Moral Panics / Techno-Panics”

· Adam Thierer, “No Goldilocks Formula for Content Moderation in Social Media or the Metaverse, But Algorithms Still Help”

· Adam Thierer, “FCC’s O’Rielly on First Amendment & Fairness Doctrine Dangers“

· Adam Thierer, “Conservatives & Common Carriage: Contradictions & Challenges“

· Adam Thierer, “The Great Deplatforming of 2021“

· Adam Thierer, “A Good Time to Re-Read Reagan’s Fairness Doctrine Veto“

· Adam Thierer, “Sen. Hawley’s Radical, Paternalistic Plan to Remake the Internet“

· Adam Thierer, “How Conservatives Came to Favor the Fairness Doctrine & Net Neutrality“

· Adam Thierer, “Sen. Hawley’s Moral Panic Over Social Media“

· Adam Thierer, “The White House Social Media Summit and the Return of ‘Regulation by Raised Eyebrow’“

· Adam Thierer, “The Surprising Ideological Origins of Trump’s Communications Collectivism“

· Adam Thierer, Parental Controls & Online Child Protection: A Survey of Tools and Methods (2009).

A growing number of conservatives are calling for Big Government censorship of social media speech platforms. Censorship proposals are to conservatives what price controls are to radical leftists: completely outlandish, unworkable, and usually unconstitutional fantasies of controlling things that are ultimately much harder to control than they realize. And the costs of even trying to impose and enforce such extremist controls are always enormous.

Earlier this year, The Wall Street Journal ran a response I wrote to a proposal set forth by columnist Peggy Noonan in which she proposed banning everyone under 18 from all social-media sites (“We Can Protect Children and Keep the Internet Free,” Apr. 15). I expanded upon that letter in an essay here entitled, “Should All Kids Under 18 Be Banned from Social Media?” National Review also recently published an article penned by Christine Rosen in which she also proposes to “Ban Kids from Social Media.” And just this week, Zach Whiting of the Texas Public Policy Foundation published an essay on “Why Texas Should Ban Social Media for Minors.”

I’ll offer a few more thoughts here in addition to what I’ve already said elsewhere. First, here is my response to the Rosen essay. National Review gave me 250 words to respond to her proposal:

While admitting that “law is a blunt instrument for solving complicated social problems,” Christine Rosen (“Keep Them Offline,” June 27) nonetheless downplays the radicalness of her proposal to make all teenagers criminals for accessing the primary media platforms of their generation. She wants us to believe that allowing teens to use social media is the equivalent of letting them operate a vehicle, smoke tobacco, or drink alcohol. This is false equivalence. Being on a social-media site is not the same as operating two tons of steel and glass at speed or using mind-altering substances. Teens certainly face challenges and risks in any new media environment, but to believe that complex social pathologies did not exist before the Internet is folly. Echoing the same “lost generation” claims made by past critics who panicked over comic books and video games, Rosen asks, “Can we afford to lose another generation of children?” and suggests that only sweeping nanny-state controls can save the day. This cycle is apparently endless: Those “lost generations” grow up fine, only to claim it’s the  next generation that is doomed! Rosen casually dismisses free-speech concerns associated with mass-media criminalization, saying that her plan “would not require censorship.” Nothing could be further from the truth. Rosen’s prohibitionist proposal would deny teens the many routine and mostly beneficial interactions they have with their peers online every day. While she belittles media literacy and other educational and empowerment-based solutions to online problems, those approaches continue to be a better response than the repressive regulatory regime she would have Big Government impose on society.

I have a few more things to say beyond these brief comments.

First, as I alluded to in my short response to Rosen, we’ve heard similar “lost generation” stories before. Rosen might as well be channeling the ghost of Dr. Fredric Wertham (author of Seduction of the Innocent), who in the 1950s declared comics books a public health menace and lobbied lawmakers to restrict teen access to them, insisting such comics were “the cause of a psychological mutilation of children.” The same sort of “lost generation” predictions were commonplace in countless anti-video game screeds of the 1990s. Critics were writing books with titles like Stop Teaching Our Kids to Kill and referring to video games as “murder simulators,” Ironically, just as the video game panic was heating up, juvenile crime rates were plummeting. But that didn’t stop the pundits and policymakers from suggesting that an entire generation of so-called “vidiots” were headed for disaster. (See my 2019 short history: “Confessions of a ‘Vidiot’: 50 Years of Video Games & Moral Panics“).

It is consistently astonishing to me how, as I noted in 2012 essay, “We Always Sell the Next Generation Short.” There seems to be a never-ending cycle of generational mistrust. “There has probably never been a generation since the Paleolithic that did not deplore the fecklessness of the next and worship a golden memory of the past,” notes Matt Ridley, author of The Rational Optimist.

For example, in 1948, the poet T. S. Eliot declared: “We can assert with some confidence that our own period is one of decline; that the standards of culture are lower than they were fifty years ago; and that the evidences of this decline are visible in every department of human activity.” We’ve heard parents (and policymakers) make similar claims about every generation since then.

What’s going on here? Why does this cycle of generational pessimism and mistrust persist? In a 1992 journal article, the late journalism professor Margaret A. Blanchard offered this explanation:

“[P]arents and grandparents who lead the efforts to cleanse today’s society seem to forget that they survived alleged attacks on their morals by different media when they were children. Each generation’s adults either lose faith in the ability of their young people to do the same or they become convinced that the dangers facing the new generation are much more substantial than the ones they faced as children.”

In a 2009 book on culture, my colleague Tyler Cowen also noted how, “Parents, who are entrusted with human lives of their own making, bring their dearest feelings, years of time, and many thousands of dollars to their childrearing efforts.” Unsurprisingly, therefore, “they will react with extreme vigor against forces that counteract such an important part of their life program.” This explains why “the very same individuals tend to adopt cultural optimism when they are young, and cultural pessimism once they have children,” Cowen says.

Building on Blanchard and Cowen’s observation, I have explained how the most simple explanation for this phenomenon is that many parents and cultural critics have passed through their “adventure window.” The willingness of humans to try new things and experiment with new forms of culture—our “adventure window”—fades rapidly after certain key points in life, as we gradually settle in our ways. As the English satirist Douglas Adams once humorously noted: “Anything that is in the world when you’re born is normal and ordinary and is just a natural part of the way the world works. Anything that’s invented between when you’re fifteen and thirty-five is new and exciting and revolutionary and you can probably get a career in it. Anything invented after you’re thirty-five is against the natural order of things.”

There is no doubt social media can create or exacerbate certain social pathologies among youth. But pro-censorship conservatives wants to take the easy way out with a Big Government media ban for the ages.

Ultimately, it’s a solution that will not be effective. Raising children and mentoring youth is certainly the hardest task we face as adults because simple solutions rarely exist to complex human challenges–and the issues kids face are often particularly hard for many parents and adults to grapple with because we often fail to fully understand both the unique issues each generation might face, and we definitely fail to fully grasp the nature of each new medium that youth embrace.  Simplistic solution–even proposals for outright bans–will not work or solve serious problems.

An outright government ban on online platforms or digital devices is likely never going to happen due to First Amendment constraints, but even ignoring the jurisprudential barriers, bans won’t work for a reason that these conservatives never bother considering: Many parents will help their kids get access to those technologies and to evade restrictions on their use. Countless parents already do so in violation of COPPA rules, and not just because they worry that their kid won’t have access to what some other kids have. Rather, many parents (like me) both wanted to make sure I could more easily communicate with them, and also ensure that they could enjoy those technologies and use them to explore the world.

These conservatives might think some parents like me are monsters for allowing my (now grown) children to get on social media when they were teens. I wasn’t blind to the challenges, but recognized that sticking one’s head in the ground or hoping for divine intervention from the Nanny State was impractical and unwise. The hardest conversations I ever had with my kids were about the ugliness they sometimes experienced online, but those conversations were also countered by the many joys that I knew online interactions brought them. Shall I tell you about everything my son learned online before 13 about building model rockets or soapbox derby cars? Or the countless sites my daughter visited gathering ideas for her arts and crafts projects when, before the age of 13, she started hand-painting and selling jean jackets (eventually prompting her to pursue an art school degree)? Again, as I noted in my National Review response, Rosen’s prohibitionist proposal would deny teens these experiences and the countless other routine and entirely beneficial interactions that they have with their peers online every day.

There is simply no substitute for talking to your kids in the most open, understanding, and loving fashion possible. My #1 priority with my own children was not foreclosing all the new digital media platforms and devices at their disposal. That was going to be almost impossible. Other approaches are needed.

Yes, of course, the world can be an ugly place. I mean, have you ever watched the nightly news on television? It’s damn ugly. Shouldn’t we block youth access to it when scenes of war and violence are shown? Newspapers are full of ugliness, too. Should a kid be allowed to see the front page of the paper when it discusses or shows the aftermath of school shootings, acts of terrorism, or even just natural disasters? I could go on, but you get the point. And you could try to claim that somehow today’s social media environment is significantly worse for kids than the mass media of old, but you cannot prove it.

Of course you’ll have anecdotes, and many of them will again point to complex social pathologies. But I have entire shelves full of books on my office wall that made similar claims about the effects of books, the telephone, radio and television, comics, cable TV, every musical medium ever, video games, and advertising efforts across all these mediums. Hundreds upon hundreds of studies were done over the past half century about the effects of depictions of violence in movies, television, and video games. And endless court battles ensued.

In the end, nothing came out of it because the literature was inconclusive and frequently contradictory. After many years of panicking about youth and media violence, in 2020, the American Psychological Association issued a new statement slowly reversing course on misguided past statements about video games and acts of real-world violence. The APA’s old statement said that evidence “confirms [the] link between playing violent video games and aggression.”  But the APA has come around and now says that, “there is insufficient scientific evidence to support a causal link between violent video games and violent behavior.” More specifically, the APA now says: “Violence is a complex social problem that likely stems from many factors that warrant attention from researchers, policy makers and the public. Attributing violence to violent video gaming is not scientifically sound and draws attention away from other factors.”

This is exactly what we should expect to find true for youth and social media. Most of the serious scholars in the field already note studies and findings about youth and social media must be carefully evaluated and that many other factors need to be considered whenever evaluating claims about complex social phenomenon.

While Rosen belittles media literacy and other educational and empowerment-based solutions to online problems, those approaches continue to represent the best first-order response when compared to the repressive regulatory regime she would impose on society.

Finally, I want to just reiterate what I said in my brief  National Review response about the enormous challenges associated with mass criminalization or speech platforms. Rosen seems to image that all the costs and controversies will lie on the supply-side of social media. Just call for a ban and then magically all kids disappear from social media and the big evil tech capitalists eat all the costs and hassles. Nonsense. It’s the demand-side of criminalization efforts where the most serious costs lie. What do you really think kids are going to do if Uncle Sam suddenly does ban everyone under 18 from going on a “social media site,” whatever that very broad term entails? This will become another sad chapter in the history of Big Government prohibitionist efforts that fail miserably, but not before declaring mass groups of people criminals–this time including everyone under 18–and then trying to throw the book at them when they seek to avoid those repressive controls. There are better ways to address these problems than with such extremist proposals.

Additional Reading from Adam Thierer on Media & Content Regulation :

• “Should All Kids Under 18 Be Banned from Social Media?”
• “Why Do We Always Sell the Next Generation Short?”
• “The APA’s Welcome New Statement on Video Game Violence“
• “Video Games and Moral Panic“
• Parental Controls & Online Child Protection: A Survey of Tools & Methods, 4th Edition.
• “Technopanics and the Great Social Networking Scare“
• “More on Monkey See-Monkey Do Theories about Media Violence & Real-World Crime“
• “Video Games, Media Violence & the Cathartic Effect Hypothesis.”)
• “The Classical Liberal Approach to Digital Media Free Speech Issues“
• “Left and right take aim at Big Tech — and the First Amendment“
• “When It Comes to Fighting Social Media Bias, More Regulation Is Not the Answer“
• “FCC’s O’Rielly on First Amendment & Fairness Doctrine Dangers“
• “Conservatives & Common Carriage: Contradictions & Challenges“
• “The Great Deplatforming of 2021“
• “A Good Time to Re-Read Reagan’s Fairness Doctrine Veto“
• “Sen. Hawley’s Radical, Paternalistic Plan to Remake the Internet“
• “How Conservatives Came to Favor the Fairness Doctrine & Net Neutrality“
• “Sen. Hawley’s Moral Panic Over Social Media“
• “The White House Social Media Summit and the Return of ‘Regulation by Raised Eyebrow’“
• “The Not-So-SMART Act“
• “The Surprising Ideological Origins of Trump’s Communications Collectivism“

• “Why Regulate Broadcasting: Toward a Consistent First Amendment Standard for the Information Age,” Catholic University Law School, 15 CommLaw Conspectus (Summer 2007): 431-482.
• Testimony at FCC’s Hearing on “Serving the Public Interest in the Digital Era”, March 3, 2010.
• “FCC v. Fox and the Future of the First Amendment in the Information Age,”

This essay originally appeared on The Bridge under the title “Confessions of a Vidiot” on July 16, 2019.

I have a confession: I’m 50 years old and still completely in love with video games.

I feel silly saying that, even though I really shouldn’t. Video games are now fully intertwined with the fabric of modern life and, by this point, there have been a couple of generations of adults who, like me, have played them actively over the past few decades. Somehow, despite the seemingly endless moral panics about video games, we came out alright. But that likely will not stop some critics from finding new things to panic over.

As a child of the 1970s, I straddled the divide between the old and new worlds of gaming. I was (and remain) obsessed with board and card games, which my family played avidly. But then Atari’s home version of “Pong” landed in 1976. The console had rudimentary graphics and controls, and just one game to play, but it was a revelation. After my uncle bought Pong for my cousins, our families and neighbors would gather round his tiny 20-inch television to watch two electronic paddles and a little dot move around the screen.

Every kid in the world immediately began lobbying their parents for a Pong game of their own, but then a year later something even more magical hit the market: Atari’s 2600 gaming platform. It was followed by Mattel’s “Intellivision” and Coleco’s “ColecoVision.” The platform wars had begun, and home video games had gone mainstream.

My grandmother, who lived with us at the time, started calling my brother and me “vidiots,” which was short for “video game idiots.” My grandmother raised me and was an absolute treasure to my existence, but when it came to video games (as well as rock music), the generational tensions between us were omnipresent. She was constantly haranguing my brother and me about how we were never going to amount to much in life if we didn’t get away from those damn video games!

I used to ask her why she never gave us as much grief about playing board or card games. She thought those were mostly fine. There was just something about the electronic or more interactive nature of video games that set her and the older generation off.

And, of course, there was the violence. There is no doubt that video games contained violent themes and images that were new to the gaming experience. In the analog gaming era, violent action was left mostly to the imagination. With electronic games, it was right there for us to see in all its (very bloody) glory.

As depictions of violence in video games became more intense, parental anxiety boiled over into political activism. By the early 1990s, complaints by parent groups and politicians escalated and congressional hearings commenced. This was the Nintendo and Sega era, when games like “Mortal Kombat” and “Night Trap” were capturing attention for their violent themes.

By this time, I had moved to Washington, DC and taken a job with a think tank. I was a young researcher covering media and telecommunications policy issues, so I had both a personal and professional interest in covering video game hearings. What ensued was a media spectacle in which an endless parade of politicians and self-anointed “parent advocates” expressed their concerns about various games and the supposed lost generation of kids playing them.

The first major congressional hearing on video game violence that I attended in 1993 included then-Sen. Joe Lieberman and other lawmakers speaking with disgust and furrowed brows as they watched clips from those games. But most of us twenty-somethings in the hearing room were rolling our eyes through the entire spectacle. I distinctly remember hearing a Capitol Hill staffer that I was sitting next to whisper, “This is the greatest ad for getting a Sega Genesis ever!” Following the hearing, several friends and I went to my house and played Mortal Kombat together just for kicks.

As the decade went on and gamers began enjoying a third generation of consoles that included Playstation and XBox, the moral panic surrounding violent video gamesrapidly intensified. This was the era of “Doom,” “Resident Evil” and then “Grand Theft Auto.” The whole world went mad.

Critics were writing books with titles like Stop Teaching Our Kids to Kill and referring to video games as “murder simulators.” Every TV news outlet was running some sort of hair-raising report about how America’s youth were doomed for a life of depravity due to video games. By 2006, Sen. Lieberman and then-Sen. Hillary Clinton were floating the “Family Entertainment Protection Act” to create a federal enforcement regime for video games ratings and sales. Court battles ensued over the constitutionality of restrictions on video game sales.

During this push for video game censorship, I wrote many essays, papers, and even contributed to court filings in which I poured over the evidence—or rather the lack thereof—for what we might think of as the “monkey see-monkey do” theory of human behavior. Put simply, there has never been any conclusive scientific evidence correlating video game exposure and real-world acts of violence. If this theory held any water, at some point it should have shown up in crime statistics either here or abroad. But it hasn’t.

In fact, over the past two decades, the US population has grown from 270 million in 1998 to 325 million today, and video games have grown in popularity over that same period. At the same time, according to FBI data, overall violent crime has fallen by almost 19 percent, and for adolescents ages 12 to 20, every class of crime plummeted over the same period.

To be sure, video games—violent or otherwise—can give rise to some problems worth worrying about. Addiction is a real concern, and not just for juveniles. Again, I’m an old man, but I still play far too many games on my phone when I could be doing other things. That’s not technically addiction, but it sure feels like it sometimes. When our kids, or even some adults, go overboard with game time, they need strategies to find a better balance. That has always been a legitimate issue deserving attention.

But the people and politicians who engaged in panics and proselytizing about the supposed evils of video games went much too far. What they failed to realize—as almost all cultural critics have mistakenly done throughout history—is that humans are more sensible and resilient than they assume. We can muddle through and find a reasonable balance.

Indeed, a great many first and second generation gamers are now raising kids and actively gaming with them. My teenage son and I play multiple games together and are part of many different leagues and teams. On our phones, we play “Boom Beach” and other games together, often with groups of other father and son gamers. At home, we love to play “Star Wars: Battlefront” and we are absolutely infatuated with the alien bug-killing “Earth Defense Force” games.

A few years back, my son and I got so good at the game “Toy Soldiers: Cold War” that we were briefly ranked in the top 15 globally. We also play a lot of board games together. I now include him in monthly poker nights at my house, where he has become quite the card shark, regularly depriving many of my adult friends of their money.

My strategy with my son and gaming activity has been simple: stay involved, be open-minded, and set reasonable limits. Oh sure, there are games he plays that I find silly and worthless. But I try to talk to him about all of them and get a better understanding of what they are about. And I encourage him—not always successfully—to get off the couch and go outside to get plenty of outdoor playtime in, too.

While heavy-handed regulatory efforts have been beaten back, we can expect moral panics to continue as video games become even more interactive and immersive. We aging gamers should be willing to hear out concerns about those new gaming themes and capabilities and consider reasonable responses.

If we have learned anything from the first half century of video game history, it is that over-reaction is never the right response. Whether you are a parent or a politician, try to be patient and willing to talk to kids in an open and understanding fashion about things you might not appreciate at first.

Now please excuse me while my son and I get back to killing some alien bugs and saving the Earth once more!

Additional Reading :

• The Social Science Debate over Violent Video Games Will Never End
• Video Games, Media Violence & the Cathartic Effect Hypothesis
• More on Monkey See-Monkey Do Theories about Media Violence & Real-World Crime
• Video Games, Free Speech & the Lunacy of “Ecogenerism”
• Video Games and “Moral Panic”
• Video Games, Violence, & Social “Science”: Another Day, Another Fight

[This essay originally appeared on the AIER blog on May 28, 2019. The USA TODAY also ran a shorter version of this essay as a letter to the editor on June 2, 2019.]

In a hotly-worded USA Today op-ed last week, Senator Josh Hawley (R-Missouri) railed against social media sites Facebook, Instagram, and Twitter. He argued that, “social media wastes our time and resources,” and is “a field of little productive value” that have only “given us an addiction economy.” Sen. Hawley refers to these sites as “parasites” and blames them for a litany of social problems (including an unproven link to increased suicide), leading him to declare that, “we’d be better off if Facebook disappeared.”

As far as moral panics go, Sen. Hawley’s will go down as one for the ages. Politicians have always castigated new technologies, media platforms, and content for supposedly corrupting the youth of their generation. But Sen. Hawley’s inflammatory rhetoric and proposals are something we haven’t seen in quite some time.

He sounds like those fire-breathing politicians and pundits of the past century who vociferously protested everything from comic books to cable television, the waltz to the Walkman, and rock-and-roll to rap music. In order to save the youth of America, many past critics said, we must destroy the media or media platforms they are supposedly addicted to. That is exactly what Sen. Hawley would have us do to today’s leading media platforms because, in his opinion, they “do our country more harm than good.”

We have to hope that Sen. Hawley is no more successful than past critics and politicians who wanted to take these choices away from the public. Paternalistic politicians should not be dictating content choices for the rest of us or destroying technologies and platforms that millions of people benefit from.

Addiction Panics: We’ve Been Here Before

Ironically, Sen. Hawley isn’t even right about what the youth of America are apparently obsessed with. Most kids view Facebook and Twitter as places where old people hang out. My teenage kids laugh when I ask them about those sites. Pew Research polling finds that many younger users are increasingly deleting Facebook (if they used it at all) or flocking to other platforms, such as Snapchat or YouTube.

But shouldn’t we be concerned with kids overusing social media more generally? Yes, of course we should—but that’s no reason to call for their outright elimination, as Sen. Hawley recommends. Such rhetoric is particularly concerning at a time when critics are proposing a “break up” of tech companies. Sen. Hawley sits on the U.S. Senate Judiciary Committee’s Subcommittee on Antitrust, Competition Policy and Consumer Rights. It is likely he and others will employ these arguments to fan the flames of regulatory intervention or antitrust action against at least Facebook.

Forcing social media sites to “disappear” or be broken up is one of the worst ways to deal with these concerns. It is always wise to mentor our youth and teach them how to achieve a balanced media diet. Many youths—and many adults—are probably overusing certain technologies (smartphones, in particular) and over-consuming some types of media. For those truly suffering from addiction, it is worth considering targeted strategies to address that problem. However, that is not what antitrust law is meant to address.

Moreover, concerns about addiction and distraction have popped up repeatedly during past moral panics and we should take such claims with a big grain of salt. Sociologist Frank Furedi has documented how, “inattention has served as a sublimated focus for apprehensions about moral authority” going back to at least the early 1700s. With each new form of media or means of communication, the older generation taps into the same “kids-these-days!” fears about how the younger generation has apparently lost the ability to concentrate or reason effectively.

For example, in the past century, critics said the same thing about radio and television broadcasting, comparing them to tobacco in terms of addiction and suggesting that media companies were “manipulating” us into listening or watching. Rock-and-roll and rap music got the same treatment, and similar panics about video games are still with us today.

Strangely, many elites, politicians, and parents forget that they, too, were once kids and that their generation was probably also considered hopelessly lost in the “vast wasteland” of whatever the popular technology or content of the day was. The Pessimists Archive podcast has documented dozens of examples of this reoccurring phenomenon. Each generation makes it through the panic du jour, only to turn around and start lambasting newer media or technologies that they worry might be rotting their kids to the core. While these panics come and go, the real danger is that they sometimes result in concrete policy actions that censor content or eliminate choices that the public enjoys. Such regulatory actions can also discourage the emergence of new choices.

Missed Opportunity, or Marvelous Achievement?

Sen. Hawley makes another audacious assertion in his essay when he suggests that social media has not provided any real benefit to American workers or consumers. He says the rise of the Digital Economy has “encouraged a generation of our brightest engineers to enter a field of little productive value,” which he regards as “an opportunity missed for the nation.”

This is an astonishing statement, made more troubling by Hawley’s claim that all these digital innovators could have done far more good by choosing other professions. “What marvels might these bright minds have produced,” Hawley asks, “had they been oriented toward the common good?”

Why is it that Sen. Hawley gets to decide which professions are in “the common good”? This logic is insulting to all those who make a living in these sectors, but there is a deeper hubris in Sen. Hawley’s argument that social media does not serve “the common good.” Had some benevolent philosopher kings in Washington stopped the digital economy from developing over the past quarter century, would all those tech workers really have chosen more noble-minded and worthwhile professions? Could he or others in Congress really have had the foresight to steer us in a better direction?

In reality, U.S. tech companies produce high-quality jobs and affordable, collaborative communications platforms that are popular across the globe. In response to Sen. Hawley’s screed, the Internet Association, which represents America’s leading digital technology companies, noted that, in Sen. Hawley’s home state of Missouri alone, the Internet supports 63,000 jobs at 3,400 companies and contributed $17 billion in GDP to the state’s economy. Presumably, Sen. Hawley would not want to see those benefits “disappear” along with the social media sites that helped give rise to them.

But the Internet and social media have an equally profound impact on the entire U.S. economy, adding over 9,000 jobs and nearly 570 businesses to each metropolitan statistical area. The Digital Economy is a great American success story that is the envy of the world, not something to be lamented and disparaged as Sen. Hawley has.

For someone who believes that Facebook is a “drug” and a “parasite,” it is curious how active Sen. Hawley is on Facebook, as well as on Twitter. If he really believes that “we’d be better off if Facebook disappeared,” then he should lead by example and get off the sites. But that is a decision he will have to make for himself. He should not, however, make it for the rest of us.

Yesterday was National Lemonade Day. Over at the Mercatus Bridge blog, Jennifer Skees and I used the opportunity to highlight the increasing regulatory crackdown on kids operating ventures without first seeking the proper permits from local authorities. We ask, “wouldn’t it be better to teach them the value of hard work and entrepreneurial effort instead of threatening them with penalties for not getting costly permits to do basic jobs?” Here’s our answer:

Today is National Lemonade Day. For many Americans a lemonade stand was their first experience in entrepreneurship. But unfortunately, this time honored tradition that teaches the value of hard work, entrepreneurship, and innovation may be under threat from overzealous grown-ups.

Should we really force kids to get licenses to start lemonade stands, sell bottles of water outside a ballpark, or mow lawns for a little extra money? And wouldn’t it be better to teach them the value of hard work and entrepreneurial effort instead of threatening them with penalties for not getting costly permits to do basic jobs?

Recent news stories have highlighted examples of kids being confronted with local regulations that essential tell them not to be entrepreneurial until they’ve gotten someone’s blessing–or else face fines or other penalties for those efforts.

Out in San Francisco, for example, a neighbor threatened to call the police on an eight-year-old girl selling water to raise money for a trip to Disneyland after her mother had lost her job. The neighbor berated the little girl for “illegally selling water without a permit.” Luckily, national outrage seems to have fallen in favor of this rogue entrepreneur instead of “Permit Patty.” But this is far from an isolated case.

Another story went viral earlier this year involving kids and lemonade stands. Country Time lemonade pledged to pay the fines received or the permit cost for children’s lemonade stands. Who thought we’d reach the day when we need a Lemonade Legal Defense Fund? But just prior to the launch, Stapleton, Colorado police were called to shut down the lemonade stand of  four and six year-old brothersfor failing to have a business license. Kids who probably can’t read or fill out the necessary forms are expected to obtain a formal license for a tradition that dates back about 120 years.

Kids are confronted with other meddlesome local permitting rules even when they aren’t selling food or beverages. The town of Gardendale, Alabama made news last year after attempting to charge a teenager $110 for a business license for mowing neighbors’ lawns during the summer to earn money for a mission trip. A local professional lawn service had apparently pressured local parents about the need for kids to have licenses to mow. The city later clarified teenagers would be allowed to mow lawns for a little extra money without needing a license to do so as long as the work was part-time and they were students.

Should we have expected kids to seek permits in these cases? Some sticklers might say yes, we should. After all, it’s the law!

But complying with the law is costly in two important ways. First, the actual fees can be exorbitant. In San Francisco, for example, the filing fee for a “peddler’s permit” costs $330-$525 depending on whether you are selling non-food or food items. Then, if you get the city’s blessing, you have to pay an additional $166-$624 annually for a license to serve the community. It’s safe to say that most kids and their parents probably could not afford that expense.

But the more important cost might be the mental transaction costs or general hassles associated with navigating the labyrinth of red tape that entrepreneurs must confront to get new ventures started. The very act of going through a laborious, confusing, and time-consuming permitting process will be too much for many to bear, especially kids. When a mother tried to get a license for a lemonade stand in Texas, she was told that an inspection by the health department would also be necessary because of the “bacteria that can grow in lemonade.” As a result some children and parents have gotten creative by not “selling” these dangerous products but instead offering it “free” but accepting donations.

The costs of permitting have important real-world implications. They are sending a clear message to kids and their parents: Don’t even bother trying to be entrepreneurial unless you are willing to deal with a world of regulatory pain. Worse yet, to the extent they learn anything by attempting to comply with such silly rules, it’s probably only a lesson in how to manipulate a political process for your own gain. All too often, many incumbent businesses who already worked their way through the system figured out how to exploit it for their own gain to keep competitors out. They then become the guardians of the licensing systems

This is what Philip K. Howard, chair of Common Good, calls this  The Death of Common Sense, in a book of the same name. “Like sediment in a harbor,” he argues, rules and regulations in the US have accumulated, “until most productive activity requires slogging through a legal swamp. “It’s degenerative,” he says. Indeed, laws and regulations like these sap the entrepreneurial spirit of young Americans and discourage them from taking the initiative and learning important skills they will use throughout their lives.

A common refrain of just about every generation of adults is that the younger generation doesn’t work as hard as their generation did. Such “kids-these-days!” complaints are almost always off-base. But they are particularly outlandish when it’s the adults who are acting juvenile by refusing to reform illogical and costly rules that do nothing to protect the public but make it harder for young people to pursue their dreams and engage in entrepreneurial activities.

We shouldn’t actively encourage kids to break the law, of course. But what happens when rules and regulations utterly defy common sense, as these and countless others do today? Perhaps a little “evasive” entrepreneurialism and civil disobedience is the answer. Luckily, public interest law firms like the Institute for Justice, the Goldwater Institute, and the Pacific Legal Foundation already exist to defend our general right to earn a living. Sometimes it will be necessary to push our luck against what Goldwater’s Timothy Sandefur calls “the Permission Society” if we hope to get policymakers to wake up to the illogical and unfair nature of archaic old licensing regimes.

Luckily some states have started to realize that these burdensome licensing and permitting requirements may have gone too far and at least in some cases are not serving their original purposes. For example, Utah recently passed a law that exempts lemonade stands and other similar child-run businesses from permitting requirements. And recently health inspectors helped a Minneapolis 13-year-old get the necessary permits and paid the costs of the licenses to keep his hotdog stand open. But on a broader front, the right to earn a living is tied both to the value of entrepreneurship and the right to innovate. It is far too easy for incumbents to use licensing schemes to keep out new innovations like ride-sharing and home-sharing. Instead of focusing on raising requirements to prevent new innovations and protect existing industries, we should look to the right to earn a living as a way to even the playing field by reducing the burdens for everyone.

Kids are used to asking permission from their parents, but what are we teaching them when every attempt to do a job or earn a little money also requires endless permission slips from the government? Studies have shown that helicopter parenting makes children struggle emotionally and behaviorally later in life. Imagine how much worse that problem is when the government serves as the ultimate helicopter parent, demanding constant permission to engage in any kind entrepreneurial acts? It seems if we want to stay a nation of innovators and entrepreneurs, the least we can do is tell the kids to stick to asking “Mother may I?” of just their mothers.

Additional Reading:

• Jennifer Skees, “Do You Need a License to Innovate?”, The Bridge , June 29, 2018.
• Adam Thierer, “Making the World Safe for More Moonshots,” The Bridge , February 5, 2018.
• Jennifer Skees & Trace Mitchell, “Will The Electric Scooter Movement Lose Its Charge?” The Bridge , July 18, 2018.
• Jennifer Skees, “Should You Be Able to Fix Your Own iPhone,” Plain Text , June 18, 2018.
• Andrea O’Sullivan & Adam Thierer, “3D Printers, Evasive Entrepreneurs and the Future of Tech Regulation,” The Bridge, August 1, 2018,
• Adam Thierer, “The Pacing Problem and the Future of Technology Regulation,” The Bridge , August 8, 2018. 
• Adam Thierer, “Evasive Entrepreneurialism and Technological Civil Disobedience: Basic Definitions,” The Bridge , July 20, 2018.

Sen. Edward J. Markey (D-Mass.) and Rep. Joe Barton (R-Texas) have reintroduced their “Do Not Track Kids Act,” which, according to this press release, “amends the historic Children’s Online Privacy Protection Act of 1998 (COPPA), will extend, enhance and update the provisions relating to the collection, use and disclosure of children’s personal information and establishes new protections for personal information of children and teens.” I quickly scanned the new bill and it looks very similar to their previous bill of the same name that they introduced in 2011 and which I wrote about here and then critiqued at much greater length in a subsequent Mercatus Center working paper (“Kids, Privacy, Free Speech & the Internet: Finding The Right Balance”).

Since not much appears to have changed, I would just encourage you to check out my old working paper for a discussion of why this legislation raises a variety of technical and constitutional issues. But I remain perplexed by how supporters of this bill think they can devise age-stratified online privacy protections without requiring full-blown age verification for all Internet users. And once you go down that path, as I note in my paper, you open up a huge Pandora’s Box of problems that we have already grappled with for many years now. As I noted in my paper, the real irony here is that the “problem with these efforts is that expanding COPPA would require the collection of more personal information about kids and parents. For age verification to be effective at the scale of the Internet, the collection of massive amounts of additional data is necessary.”

But that’s hardly the only problem. How about the free speech rights of teens? They do have some, after all, but this bill could create new limitations on their ability to freely surf the Internet, gather information, and communicate with others.

In the end, I don’t expect this bill to pass; it’s mostly just political grandstanding “for the children.” But it’s a real shame that smart people waste their time with counter-productive and constitutionally suspect measures such as these instead of focusing their energy on more constructive educational efforts and awareness-building approaches to online safety and privacy concerns. Again, read my paper for more details on that alternative approach to these issues.

Oh man, I could not stop laughing at this old “Kids Guide to the Internet” video from the 90s. My thanks to my former colleague Amy Smorodin for tweeting it out today. I just had to post it here so that everyone could enjoy.

(Note: You can turn this video into a great drinking game. Just make everyone in the room raise their glass each time the lines “Does your computer have a modem?” and “Not all that cybernet stuff, OK?” are uttered.) And yes, as the opening line of the video notes, “the first thing you need to know about the Internet is that it is amazing.”

California’s continuing effort to make the Internet their own digital fiefdom continued this week with Gov. Jerry Brown signed legislation that creates an online “Eraser Button” just for minors. The law isn’t quite as sweeping as the seriously misguided “right to be forgotten” notion I’ve critique here (1, 2, 3, 4) and elsewhere (5, 6) before. In any event, the new California law will:

require the operator of an Internet Web site, online service, online application, or mobile application to permit a minor, who is a registered user of the operator’s Internet Web site, online service, online application, or mobile application, to remove, or to request and obtain removal of, content or information posted on the operator’s Internet Web site, service, or application by the minor, unless the content or information was posted by a 3rd party, any other provision of state or federal law requires the operator or 3rd party to maintain the content or information, or the operator anonymizes the content or information. The bill would require the operator to provide notice to a minor that the minor may remove the content or information, as specified.

As always, the very best of intentions motivate this proposal. There’s no doubt that some digital footprints left online by minors could come back to haunt them in the future, and that concern for their future reputation and privacy is the primary motivation for the measure. Alas, noble-minded laws like these often lead to many unintended consequences, and even some thorny constitutional issues. I’d be hard-pressed to do a better job of itemizing those potential problems than Eric Goldman, of Santa Clara University School of Law, and Stephen Balkam, Founder and CEO of the Family Online Safety Institute, have done in recent essays on the issue.

Goldman’s latest essay in Forbes argues that “California’s New ‘Online Eraser’ Law Should Be Erased” and meticulously documents the many problems with the law. “The law is riddled with ambiguities,” Goldman argues, including the fact that:

First, it may not be clear when a website/app is “directed” to teens rather than adults. The federal law protecting kids’ privacy (Children’s Online Privacy Protection Act, or COPPA) only applies to pre-teens, so this will be a new legal analysis for most websites and apps. Second, the law is unclear about when the minor can exercise the removal right. Must the choice be made while the user is still a minor, or can a centenarian decide to remove posts that are over 8 decades old? I think the more natural reading of the statute is that the removal right only applies while the user is still a minor. If that’s right, the law would counterproductively require kids to make an “adult” decision (what content do they want to stand behind for the rest of their lives) when they are still kids. Third, the removal right doesn’t apply if the kids were paid or received “other consideration” for their content. What does “other consideration” mean in this context? If the marketing and distribution inherently provided by a user-generated content (UGC) website is enough, the law will almost never apply. Perhaps we’ll see websites/apps offering nominal compensation to users to bypass the law.

Goldman also notes that it is unclear why California should even have the right to be regulating the Internet in this fashion. It is his opinion that, “states categorically lack authority to regulate the Internet because the Internet is a borderless electronic network, and websites/apps typically cannot make their electronic packets honor state borders.” I’ve been moving in that direction for the past decade myself since patchwork policies for the Internet — regardless of the issue — can really muck up the free flow of both speech and commerce. I teased out my own concerns about this in my January essay on “The Perils of Parochial Privacy Policies” and argued that the a world of “50 state Internet Bureaus isn’t likely to help the digital economy or serve the long-term interests of consumers.”  Sadly, some privacy advocates seem to be cheering on this sort of parochial regulation anyway without thinking through those consequences. They are probably just happy to have another privacy law on the books, but as I always try to point out not just in this context but also in debates over online child safety, cybersecurity, and digital copyright protection, the ends rarely justify the means. I just don’t understand why more people who care about true Internet freedom aren’t railing against these stepped-up state efforts (especially the flurry of California activity) and calling it out for the threat that it is.

In an essay over on LinkedIn entitled, “Let’s Delete The ‘Eraser Button,'” Stephen Balkam points out another mystery about the new California law: “It’s unclear why this law was even proposed when there exists a range of robust reporting mechanism across the Internet landscape.” Indeed, in this particular case it seems like much of the law is redundant and unnecessary. “What this bill should have been about is education and awareness, about taking responsibility for our actions and using the tools that already exist across the social media landscape,” Balkam says. “Here are three key actions that can already be taken:

Delete – you can take down or delete postings, comments and photos that you have put up on Facebook, Twitter, YouTube and most of the other platforms. Report – anyone can report abusive comments or inappropriate content by others about you or other people and, in many cases, have them removed. Request – you can ask that you be untagged from a photo or that a posting or photo be removed that has been uploaded by someone else. In addition there are in-line privacy settings on many of the leading social media sites, so that you or your teen can choose who sees what.”

Balkam is exactly right. The tools are already there; it’s the education and awareness that are lacking. As I have pointed out countless times here before, there is no need for preemptive regulatory approaches when less-restrictive and potentially equally effective remedies already exist. We just need to do a better job informing users about the existence of those tools and methods and then explain how to take advantage of them. Just adding more layers of law — especially parochial regulation — is not going to make that happen magically. Worse yet, in the process, such laws open the barn door to far more creative and meddlesome forms of state-based Internet regulation that should concern us all.

And now for the really interesting question that I have no answer to: Will anyone step up and challenge this law in court?

This afternoon, Berin Szoka asked me to participate in a TechFreedom conference on “COPPA: Past, Present & Future of Children’s Privacy & Media.” [CSPAN video is here.] It was a in-depth, 3-hour, 2-panel discussion of the Federal Trade Commission’s recent revisions to the rules issued under the 1998 Children’s Online Privacy Protection Act (COPPA).

While most of the other panelists were focused on the devilish details about how COPPA works in practice (or at least should work in practice), I decided to ask a more provocative question to really shake up the discussion: What are we going to do when COPPA fails?

My notes for the event follow down below. I didn’t have time to put them into a smooth narrative, so please pardon the bullet points.

COPPA will fail in the long-run for two reasons:

(1)    With COPPA, the FTC is engaged in a technological arms race that it cannot win.

• COPPA was formulated for a Web 1.0 world of static websites with limited interactivity. In that environment is worked reasonably well, although it certainly imposed costs on site developers and affected market structure.
• As we moved into a Web 2.0 world of interactive social media in the mid to late-2000s, however, the rule has been strained by marketplace new realities. COPPA’s drafters never really envisioned sites like Facebook, Twitter, etc.
• In our current environment—let’s call it the Web 2.5 world—we have added mobile geolocation and social discovery to the mix and that is straining COPPA to the breaking point.
• But we are about to enter the Web 3.0 world of the “Internet of Things;” a sensor-based world in which the communication technology will literally be woven into the clothes we wear and all the devices we use.
  • Cisco has estimated that by 2020, 37 billion devices will be linked together and communicating.
  • It will be almost impossible for COPPA to keep up with the explosion of these technologies because everything in our lives and our children’s lives will be interconnected, communicating, and collecting data.
  • Information will be ubiquitously collected simply by nature of the technology itself.
  • The entire Web 3.0 world will be one of comprehensive passive information collection.
  • So, notions like “collection”, “directed at children” and “personal information” will be become impossible to enforce absence a flat-out ban on the technologies themselves

(2)    COPPA will also fail because of the simple reality that the more complicated and costly this regulatory regime becomes, the more likely it is that that both kids and parents will ignore it or seek to actively evade it.

• The actual monetary cost of any online service may obviously be one thing parents and kids seek to avoid.
• But the bigger cost is the mental hassle associated with delayed gratification.
  • When people demand certain services, they want them now. And they will get them even when law gets in the way. And sometimes they value the utility / functionality that those services provide more than they value privacy.
  • A 2011 Harvard-Berkeley study pointed out the evasion is already rampant and that many parents are facilitating that result by encouraging their kids to lie about their ages online.
    • This problem will only increase in the Internet of Things era as kids and parents come to expect all their devices to be communicating at all times and retaining data for them.

So, what are we going to do about? How do we prepare for the post-COPPA world that’s coming?

• We shouldn’t just throw up our hands in defeat.
• But we must accept the technological and practical challenges associated with regulation and seek out alternative approaches.
• Best solution, therefore, is: Education, media literacy, and digital citizenship
  • We need to do a much better job educating both kids and adults about sensible online interactions.
  • We need to talk to our kids and each other about being more savvy, sensible, respectful, and resilient media consumers and digital citizens.
  • In encouraging our kids and fellow Netizens to be good “digital citizens,” we must stress smarter online hygiene (sensible personal data use) and better “Netiquette” (proper behavior toward others), which can further both online safety and digital privacy goals.
  • More generally, as part of these digital literacy and citizenship efforts, we must do more  to explain the potential perils of over-sharing information about ourselves and others while simultaneously encouraging consumers to delete unnecessary online information occasionally and cover their digital footprints in other ways.
  • These education and literacy efforts are also important because they help us adapt to new technological changes by employing a variety of coping mechanisms or new social norms. These efforts and lessons should start at a young age and continue on well into adulthood through other means, such as awareness campaigns and public service announcements.

Additional Reading:

• The Unintended Consequences of Well-Intentioned Privacy Regulation
• Thoughts on Latest FTC COPPA Rule Revisions & Online Child Safety / Privacy
• Joint CDT-PFF-EFF Comments on FTC’s COPPA Review & the Dangers of COPPA Expansion
• What We Didn’t Hear at Yesterday’s FTC COPPA Workshop
• COPPA 2.0: The New Battle over Privacy, Age Verification, Online Safety & Free Speech, by Berin Szoka & Adam Thierer

Today the Federal Trade Commission released a new report entitled, “Mobile Apps for Kids: Current Privacy Disclosures Are Disappointing,” which concludes that “confusing and hard-to-find disclosures do not give parents the control that they need in this area. The FTC argues that “parents need consistent, easily accessible, and recognizable disclosures regarding in-app purchase capabilities so that they can make informed decisions about whether to allow their children to use apps with such capabilities.”

It’s hard to be against the FTC’s “the more disclosure, the better” policy recommendation and I’m not about to come out against it here. But the question is: how much disclosure is enough? Reading through the report and seeing how hard the FTC hammers this point home makes me think the agency wants our app store checkout process to be littered with the pages of fine print disclosure policies that now accompany our credit card statements and home mortgage payments! Seriously, would that make us better off?

As a parent of two kids who both download countless apps on my Android phone, my wife’s iPhone, and our family’s Android tablet, I appreciate a certain amount of disclosure about what sort of information apps are collecting and how they are using it. I think Google’s Android marketplace strikes a nice balance here, providing us with the most crucial facts about what the application will access or share. Apple could do more on disclosure but the company also prides itself (to the dismay of some!) on its rigorous pre-screening process to make sure the apps in the App Store are safe and don’t violate certain privacy and security policies. Yet, as the FTC correctly points out, “the details of this screening process are not clear.” Of course, most Apple users simply don’t give a damn. They’re all too happy to let Apple just take care of it for them even if they’re not really sure what’s happening to their data behind the scenes. The more privacy-sensitive crowd wants greater disclosure and control, of course, and I’m sympathetic to that plea.  But again, how much disclosure is enough? Are you going to wade through pages of disclosure policies and privacy opt-ins before downloading that latest iteration of “Angry Birds” or “Cut the Rope”? Yeah, I didn’t think so.

Anyway, I don’t want to dwell on that. The more interested findings in the survey relate to price and market dynamics and I am hoping people don’t ignore them. After surveying the price of kids’ apps available in the Android Market and Apple App Store, the agency found that, “While prices ranged from free to $9.99, most of the 960 app store promotion pages listed a price of $0.99 or less. Indeed, 77% of the apps in the survey listed an install price of $0.99 or less, and 48% were free.  Free apps appeared to be the most frequently downloaded.” Here’s the pricing breakdown for both Android and Apple:

Folks, these are astonishing numbers. Almost 100% of the most downloaded kids apps in the Android Market are free… as in ZERO dollars and ZERO cents! And while Apple App Store prices tend to be a bit higher, 93% of apps are $2 or less.  This is one of the great consumer success stories of our time. Consumer welfare is vastly enhanced by the presence of hundred of kids apps that serve almost every interest and desire under the sun, and all for less than what you’d pay for a cup of coffee or a gallon of gas.

But wait, there’s more!!

This incredible success story is even more remarkable because of what the FTC finds next about market structure:

Staff found that hundreds of developers were responsible for the apps in the study. Staff encountered 441 unique developers in this study, only twelve of which had apps on both platforms. Only a handful of app developers were responsible for more than 10 apps in our sample. Developers with one app in our sample were popular, accounting for about 50% of all downloads/feedback ratings, even though they were responsible for only about 30% of the apps. In contrast, those developers with more than 10 apps in our sample accounted for about 1% of the feedback ratings for Apple, (and 20% of the downloads for Android) despite accounting for about 20% of all of the apps in the survey. This finding illustrates the broad and diverse nature of the mobile app marketplace.

“Broad and diverse marketplace,” you say?  That might be the understatement of the year!  I challenge you to find another part of not just our online ecosystem but indeed our entire economy that is this broad, diverse, innovate, competitive, and inexpensive.  I’m not sure that such a radically atomistic, mom-and-pop marketplace of entrepreneurs can last forever, but let’s pause and appreciate the fact that it does exist today.

Now, here’s the really interesting part of this story: This is generally what the world of kids’ online services looked like back in the late 1990s as well. It was incredibly diverse with lots of small mom-and-pop sites catering to kids and parents, often at no charge. And then along came COPPA. [Background here for those who are not familiar.] While COPPA helped address the legitimate problems a small handful of bad apples out there at the time created, it also raised serious compliance costs for that entire sector, including the many smaller mom-and-pop sites. In a letter send to the FTC back in 2005, child safety advocate Parry Aftab claimed that, “The cost of obtaining verifiable parental consent for interactive communications is very high, estimated at more than $45 per child, and even at that price difficult to obtain.” I have no idea how accurate that number was then (I think that was way too high of an estimate), or what the compliance cost per child was in the late 1990s, but let’s be conservative and say it was much smaller, perhaps less that a few bucks per child verified under COPPA.  And let’s assume that if we extended COPPA-like regulatory requirements to app stores that there would be some compliance cost. Again, even if the compliance cost was only a buck per kid, can you see how it devastating that would be to all the small mom-and-pop app developers out there who currently only get a dollar or two for their apps (assuming they charge anything at all)? Yes, it’s true that some of them use ads to offset their costs, but those ads have to pick up the tab for all their labor and development costs.  If you add new regulatory compliance costs to the mix, those mom-and-pop developers will be hit very hard. And then we will have far fewer of them. And the ones that remain will likely charge us more than the couple of bucks we pay per app today.

Further, even if the compliance cost per child gets down to a few cents (or tens of cents) per kid for large operators, it’s probably much higher for smaller operators. In other words, most of the costs here are fixed (hiring an extra employee, having lawyers review your policy, etc.), not marginal (the cost of verifying each additional kid), so it’s really hard to say what the real costs are. And with Apple and Google also taking a cut of the apps sold in the market, you really begin to see how adding on any additional compliance costs could hit the bottom lines of smaller app developers in a big way. When margins are this thin, burdensome regulatory mandates hurt even more. And sometimes they can drive you right out of business.

Which brings us back to the FTC’s role here. It’s clear that the consumer protection side of the agency has an important role to play here when it comes to ensuring consumers are better informed about data collection practices and corresponding privacy issues. But let’s not forget that the FTC was originally created as a competition agency. It’s supposed to care about market structure, competition, and consumer welfare. So, I wonder… are the folks in the FTC’s Bureau of Economics paying any attention to what their colleague are doing here? Because if we start layering on privacy regulations, all the good intentions in the world won’t be able to hold back the likely contraction and consolidation of this vibrant industry that will take place as small mom-and-pops struggle to absorb new regulatory burdens and compliance costs.

Something to think about before regulatory intervention drives up consumers prices and drives out of the market the countless entrepreneurs that make this sector so exciting–especially for parents and kids.

Filings are due to the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) today as part of its review of the Children’s Online Privacy Protection Act (COPPA) and the COPPA rule that the FTC devised and enforces. I didn’t have time to pen as much as I wanted, but I did submit a short filing to the agency in the matter based on some of my previous work both with Berin Szoka and on my own.  Here’s the executive summary for my filing:

It goes without saying that the Children’s Online Privacy Protection Act (COPPA) is complicated law and rule. When considering the rule and proposals to amend it, it is easy to get lost in the weeds and ignore the bigger picture. That would be a mistake. There are broader, more important questions that need to be asked as part of the Federal Trade Commission’s effort to expand this regulatory regime. These questions involve not only the costs of increased regulation for online business interests, but the impact of expanded regulation on market structure, competition, and innovation. More importantly, these questions cut to the core of whether the public (including children) will be served with more and better digital innovations in the future. There is no free lunch. Regulation—even well-intentioned regulation like COPPA—is not a costless exercise. There are profound trade-offs for online content and culture that must always be considered.

Whatever one thinks about the effectiveness or sensibility of the COPPA regulatory model for the Web 1.0 world, it is clear that the regime is being strained by the unforeseen realities of the Web 2.0 world of hyper-ubiquitous connectivity and user-generated content creation and sharing. The digital genie cannot be put back in the bottle.  While COPPA may continue to have a marginal role to play in this rapidly evolving world, that role will likely be increasingly limited by the inherent realities of the information age.

Entire filing can be found on the Mercatus website, on SSRN, or via Scribd [Also embedded below in a Scribd reader.] [FILING] Comments of Adam Thierer – Mercatus Center – FTC COPPA 2011 Ammendments

On Wednesday afternoon, it was my great pleasure to make some introductory remarks at a Family Online Safety Institute (FOSI) event that was held at the Yahoo! campus in Sunnyvale, CA. FOSI CEO Stephen Balkam asked me to offer some thoughts on a topic I’ve spent a great deal of time thinking about in recent years: Who needs parental controls? More specifically, what role do parental control tools and methods play in the upbringing of our children? How should we define or classify parental control tools and methods? Which are most important / effective? Finally, what should the role of public policy be toward parental control technologies on both the online safety and privacy fronts?

In past years, I spent much time writing and updating a booklet on these issues called Parental Controls & Online Child Protection: A Survey of Tools & Methods. It was an enormous undertaking, however, and I have abandoned updating it after I hit version 4.0. But that doesn’t mean I’m not still putting a lot of thought into these issues. My focus has shifted over the past year more toward the privacy-related concerns and away from the online safety issues. Of course, all these issues intersect and many people now (rightly) considered them to largely be the same debate.

Anyway, to kick off the FOSI event, I offered three provocations about parental control technologies and the state of the current debate over them. I buttressed some of my assertions with findings from a recent FOSI survey of parental attitudes about parental controls and online safety.

Provocation #1: While parental controls will continue to play an important role, it may be the case that many parents will not need parental controls technologies quite to the extent we once thought they did.

In one sense, usage of parental control tools is actually surprisingly high. The FOSI survey reported that 53% of parents say they have used parental control tools to assist them in monitoring their child’s Internet usage. That’s much higher than I would have expected.

Of course, that means that the other half of parents aren’t using parental controls. Why aren’t they? It can’t be because parents aren’t aware of the tools. Awareness of parental control tools is growing. According to the FOSI survey, 87% of parents report knowledge of at least one parental control technology.

Some critics claim it’s because the tools are too complicated, but that’s also hard to believe. The tools keep getting easier to use and cheaper—often being completely free of charge.

The better explanation lies in the fact that, first, talking to our kids continues to be the most important approach to mentoring youth and protecting them, just as it was for previous generations of parents. Almost all of the parents surveyed by FOSI (96%) said they have had a conversation with their child about what to do and not to do online.

Second, “household media rules” are the other unforgotten element here. These rules can be quite formal in the sense that parents make clear rules and enforce them routinely in the home over an extended period of time. Other media consumption rules can be fairly informal, however, and are enforced on a more selective basis. In my book on parental controls, I devised a taxonomy of household media rules and outlined four general categories: (1) “where” rules; (2) “when and how much” rules; (3) “under what conditions” rules; and, (4) “what” rules.

The FOSI survey reveals that such household media rules are widely utilized. Nearly all parents (93%) said they have set rules or limits to monitor their children’s online usage. In particular:

• 79% of parents surveyed require their children to only use the computer in a certain area of the house. (This is an example of a “where” rule.)
• 75% of parents limit the amount of time a child can spend online. (This is a “how much” rule.)
• 74% set rules for the times of day a child can be online. (This is a “when” rule.)
• 59% established time limits for use of a child’s cell phone. (This is another “how much” rule.)

Again, many pundits and policymakers routinely ignore the importance of such household media rules when talking about online child safety. They incorrectly assume that lower than expected usage of various parental control technologies means that those tools have failed or that kids are in great danger online. The reality is that most parents usually think of parental control technologies as a backup plan or complement to traditional parental mentoring and rule-setting responsibilities.

In fact, the FOSI survey revealed that, of those parents who have not used parental controls, 60% of them said it was because they already have rules and limits in place. Of course, none of this should be surprising. Most of us over 40 grew up without any parental control tools in our homes. Just like our parents before us, we devise strategies to mentor our youth and guide their development. Simple lessons and smart rules will, therefore, always be the first order of business. Technological controls will often only be used to supplement and better enforce those lessons and rules, if they are used at all.

In sum: parents are parenting!

Provocation #2: Kids are more resilient than we think.

Despite the panic we sometimes hear surrounding online safety and privacy, kids seem to be adapting to online environments and challenges quicker than parents (and policymakers) give them credit for. Without minimizing the seriousness of any particular concern, I think we need to step back and appreciate just how good of a job most kids have done adjusting to the modern Information Revolution.

There’s a great deal of literature in the field of psychology and sociology dealing with resiliency theory. When we think about risk in this world, there exists a range of responses. Prohibition and anticipatory regulation are on one end of the spectrum. Resiliency and adaptation are on the other.

When highly disruptive information technologies come on the scene, the first reaction is often prohibition or anticipatory regulation. That’s driven by fear of the new and unknown. Oftentimes, however, patience is the better disposition. Building resiliency and crafting adaptation strategies often makes more sense. Instilling principles and lessons to last a lifetime will ultimately do more to make our kids smart, savvy cyber-citizens and prepare them for the worst of what the world might throw their way.  It’s like the old “teach a man to fish” approach, except in this case it’s “teach a child to think.”

In many ways, this is precisely what has been happening for the past decade. Both parents and kids have been “learning on the job” so to speak. They’ve been adapting to new online worlds and gradually assimilating them into their lives. In the process, they have learned important lessons and become more resilient.

Of course, some risks are serious enough that they demand a more anticipatory solution, perhaps even prohibition. Child porn and online child abuse of any sort are the primary examples. But for most other things, social adaptation and resiliency responses generally trump prohibition or anticipatory regulation as the smart solution.

Provocation #3: The most interesting and important public policy debate going forward—both for child safety and kids’ privacy concerns—continues to be the vexing question of where to set to defaults and who sets them.

This isn’t the provocative part of this particular provocation. After all, we’ve always know that defaults matter . Psychologists speak of “status quo bias,” or the general inclination for humans to often stick with the choice they’ve initially been offered. Thus, default parental control and privacy-related settings are often quite “sticky.” Where safety and privacy defaults are set out of the gates is usually where they stay for many people.

A lot of people would like to find a way to change that—potentially through regulation—because they do not approve of the initial defaults offered by various online sites, service, or devices.

Generally speaking, there are two sets of hard questions here. First should we default to the most restrictive setting, the least restrictive, or should we force the consumer to make the choice before using the site, service, or device? Second, who makes that call? Private or public actors?

So, here’s my real provocation: We are better served as a society when these defaults evolve organically and are not imposed from above. Trial and error experimentation with varying defaults help us better understand the relative value of online safety and privacy to various users. That experimentation also sends important signals to other players in the marketplace and encourages them to offer innovative alternative or approaches to these issues. [Here’s a longer paper I penned on this issue explain why mandatory and highly restrictive defaults usually aren’t a good idea.]

The obvious objection to my position is that, if companies are the ones setting the defaults, then only their values get heard and their preferred defaults will always prevail. In reality, however, defaults often do evolve from where they are initially set. (Think of how browsers and social networking sites have added and changed privacy and security controls over just the past few years.) Press exposure and social pressure—especially from average parents and advocacy groups—typically help make sure service providers are responsive to needs of their communities.

Importantly, just because some the preferred defaults of some child safety or privacy advocates do not prevail, that doesn’t constitute “market failure.” There are many competing values at work here. First off, we must never forget that only 32% of all U.S. households have children present in them at any given time. And of that 32%, a small subset might need parental controls or enhanced privacy settings. Many others won’t need any. We live in a diverse nation with a wide spectrum of values and approaches when it comes to rearing our children and protection their safety and privacy. Some parents will never use any parental control or privacy tools. Others will layer them on. Others will use a mix of tools and strategies as outlined above.

In the end, we should expect that experimentation with varying defaults will continue and that there will always be some who are cranky about their preferred defaults not prevailing. But I think we are better off if we allow experiments to continue.

After I offered these initial provocations at the FOSI event, we had a terrific conversation among a diverse group of attendees. I took notes and tried to distill the key takeaways from the conversation, which was off the record. Here are 5 themes that I kept hearing coming up again and again from participants:

1. There is no single tool or silver-bullet solution that can solve all these problems; many tools and solutions are needed for the various concerns that are out there today
2. The term “parental controls” is too narrow since it just implies tools. We need a broader term or paradigm that incorporates education, awareness, empowerment, household media rules, etc.
3. Whether we are talking about tools or awareness efforts, there is remains a trade-off between sophistication and usability.  Many people and policymakers say they want more sophisticated tools but then turn around and complain about complexity of those solutions later. Stated differently, there will never be a “Goldilocks formula” that gets it just right precisely because needs and values evolve.
4. There are shifting concerns among parents from old days. In the early days of the Net, the concern tended to be focused more on content consumption (mostly adult material). Today, the concern seems to have shifted strongly toward content creation (ex: user-generated content on social networking sites, Twitter, SMS, etc.)
5. Kids are getting online at a younger age despite regulatory prohibitions such as COPPA and we’re going to have to grapple with that reality and whether we’ll allow it.

On May 26th, it was my great pleasure to participate in a panel discussion on “Growing Up with the Mobile Net,” which was co-sponsored by the Congressional Internet Caucus and Common Sense Media. It was a conversation about kids’ privacy, online safety, teen free speech rights, anonymity, and the possibility of expanding the Children’s Online Privacy Protection Act (COPPA) and implementing the so-called “Internet Eraser Button.”

I was joined on the panel by Jules Polonetsky, Co-chair and Director of the Future of Privacy Forum, and Alan Simpson, Vice President of Policy at Common Sense Media. And the session was very ably moderated, as always, by the supremely objective Tim Lordan.*  We really unpacked the “Eraser Button” and “right to be forgotten” notion and thought through the ramifications. And the discussion about the extent of First Amendment rights for teenagers was also interesting.

The video for this 48-minute session can be found on the Congressional Internet Caucus YouTube page here and is embedded below.

Note: During the session, Tim Lordan claimed that he takes no position and that if anyone says he take positions on issues that he will slap a super-injunction on them. Well, I say Tim Lordan is brimming with positions and he’s letting them fly at every juncture. In fact, I’ve never met someone so full of controversial positions in my life as Tim Lordan! OK, so sue me Tim!

Reps. Edward Markey (D-Mass.) and Joe Barton (R-Texas) have released a discussion draft of their forthcoming “Do Not Track Kids Act of 2011.”  I’ve only had a chance to give it a quick read, but the bill, which is intended to help safeguard kids’ privacy online, has two major regulatory provisions of interest:

(1) New regulations aimed at limiting data collection about children and teens, including (a) expansion of the Children’s Online Privacy Protection Act (COPPA) of 1998, which would build upon COPPA’s “verifiable parental consent” model; and (b) a new “Digital Marketing Bill of Rights for Teens;” and (c) limits on collection of geolocation information about both children and teens.

(2) An Internet “Eraser Button” for Kids to help kids wipe out embarrassing facts they have place online but later come to regret.  Specifically, the bill would require online operators “to the extent technologically feasible, to implement mechanisms that permit users of the website, service, or application of the operator to erase or otherwise eliminate content that is publicly available through the website, service, or application and contains or displays personal information of children or minors.” This is loosely modeled on a similar idea currently being considered in the European Union, a so-called “right to be forgotten” online.

Both of these proposals were originally floated by the child safety group Common Sense Media (CSM) in a report released last December.  It’s understandable why some policymakers and child safety advocates like CSM would favor such steps. They fear that there is simply too much information about kids online today or that kids are voluntarily placing far too much personal information online that could come back to haunt them in the future. These are valid concerns, but there are both practical and principled reasons to be worried about the regulatory approach embodied in the Markey-Barton “Do Not Track Kids Act”:

• It is very hard to imagine how most elements of this new “Do Not Track Kids” regulatory regime would work without requiring mandatory online age verification of all websurfers, which would raise serious constitutional issues. Previous efforts to age-verify websurfers (namely, The Child Online Protection Act or COPA) have been found to violate the First Amendment and also to raise different privacy concerns. By contrast, the Children’s Online Privacy Protection Act (COPPA) partially avoided this problem by limiting its coverage to kids 12 and under and did not mandate strict age verification. The Markey-Barton bill seems to imagine that the COPPA regime can simply be expanded without serious constitutional scrutiny (or economic cost, for that matter). The sponsors are wrong. Their bill puts COPPA on a collision course with COPA because it would necessitate expanded age verification in order to be effective.
• An Internet “Eraser Button” is similarly challenged by practical realities and principled concerns. It’s unclear how to even enforce such a notion. Moreover, if it could be enforced, it would raise profound free speech issues since it is tantamount to digital censorship and specifically threatens press freedoms. And the economic costs of such a mandate — especially on smaller operators — could be quite significant. See my recent Forbes essay for a discussion of those problems.
• Although some of the concerns that motivate the “Do Not Track Kids Act” are understandable, there are two very different models for how we might address these problems: ‘Legislate & Regulate’ vs. ‘Educate & Empower.’ The latter is the superior framework for dealing with these concerns in light of the practical and principled problems associated with the former.

I will expand upon these concerns in a follow-up post, but for now I would direct your attention to the 36-page white paper that Berin Szoka and I released two years ago on this topic:”COPPA 2.0: The New Battle over Privacy, Age Verification, Online Safety & Free Speech.” It explains why this issue is so complicated and raises so many constitutional red flags.

Additional Reading:

on COPA:

• Son of COPA?: H.R. 4059, “The Online Age Verification and Child Safety Act” – by Adam Thierer
• Closing the Book on COPA? – by Adam Thierer
• COPA Struck Down (Part 1): Again! – by Adam Thierer
• COPA Struck Down (Part 2): The Effectiveness of Filtering & Age Verification – by Adam Thierer
• COPA Struck Down (Part 3): Implications for Age Verification & Social Networking – by Adam Thierer

on Eraser Button:

• Erasing Our Past On The Internet – by Adam Thierer [Forbes essay]
• Europe Reimagines Orwell’s Memory Hole – by Larry Downes
• “Privacy” as Censorship: Fleischer Dismantles the EU’s “Right to Forget” – by Berin Szoka
• The Conflict Between a “Right to Be Forgotten” & Speech / Press Freedoms – by Adam Thierer

As part of what Politico’s Tony Romm calls this week’s “all-out online privacy blitzkrieg,” Rep. Ed Markey (D-Mass) announced he would be proposing legislation aimed at better protecting kids from the supposed evils of online “tracking” and marketing.  Apparently, Rep. Markey’s effort will build on the “Do Not Track” proposal that is garnering so much attention this week.

Lost in the smoke surrounding that privacy blitzkrieg is an important distinction between these two proposals:  There is a very big difference between re-engineering browsers and websites to comply with a “Do Not Track” mandate and a new regulatory scheme aimed at identifying the ages or identities of individuals using certain online sites or services.  Namely, the latter likely necessitates some sort of mandatory age verification or online authentication regime for the Internet.

Let’s take a step back for some context.  Markey helped author the Children’s Online Privacy Protection Act (COPPA) of 1998, which dealt with the collection of information for kids under 13 online. But COPPA wasn’t a strict age verification or online authentication regime for the Internet.  Instead, COPPA mandated a “verifiable parental consent” regime which the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) later enforced using a so-called “sliding scale” approach.  Essentially, sites that are “directed at” kids under 13 are supposed to get parental consent using a variety of mechanisms (credit cards, sign and fax forms, phone calls, etc) before any collection of information takes place. Of course, there are some devilish details here regarding what counts as “directed at” or “collection,” but the crucial point here is that COPPA does not require the formal authentication of web surfer identities or ages — whether they kids or parents.

So, the really tricky question here is how one goes about expanding the COPPA regulatory regime without stumbling into the legal thicket that tied up the Child Online Protection Act (COPA) of 1998, a law which did mandate such an authentication regime and, as a result, witnessed a grueling decade-long legal battle over its constitutionality.  Ultimately, the courts rejected COPA as inconsistent with America’s tradition of anonymous speech, something central to our evolution as a democracy, pre-dating even the First Amendment that protects it from government interference. Thus, we have, at least for now, closed the book on COPA. But are we about to re-open it with COPPA expansion a la the forthcoming Markey bill?

At yesterday’s House Energy & Commerce hearing on “Do Not Track” where he announced his intention to drop legislation, Rep. Markey didn’t offer concrete details about how his bill would work, but he did go out of his way to praise the work of Common Sense Media (CSM) on this front.  This implies his plan will be in line with what CSM has already advocated.  As I noted in this essay in July, CSM recently submitted a filing to the FTC advocating expanding COPPA’s age scope to cover all kids under 18 as well as opt-in mandates for the collection and use of any “personal information” or “behavioral marketing.”

As I pointed out in that earlier essay, as well as in this beefy paper with Berin Szoka, “COPPA 2.0: The New Battle over Privacy, Age Verification, Online Safety & Free Speech,” there are many profound questions raised by any proposal to expand COPPA along the lines that Common Sense Media and presumably now Rep. Markey suggest.  Here are a few questions that privacy advocates and policymakers need to consider before heading down this path:

1. What is the supposed harm that requires such a significant expansion of Internet regulation? Why the need for a massive expansion of federal regulation in this area?  CSM never makes it clear in its FTC filing. Are there corresponding benefits to be considered? Aren’t other values or principles at stake here?
2. What are the free speech implications of their proposals. Extending COPPA to cover older teens will require websites used by large numbers of adults to age verify all users. This raises the same First Amendment concerns about government interference with anonymous communication that caused COPA to be struck down by the courts as unconstitutional. Thus, another lengthy legal battle likely awaits.
3. Is it the case that — in the name of protecting privacy — this approach might demand a massive amount of additional information be collected to facilitate the regulatory regime? Expanded age verification mandates would mean more information has to be collected about kids and their parents, but also about adults who, after all, have to prove they aren’t children!  That means a honey pot of new information would be created and held by someone, potentially the government itself.
4. How would such a proposal cope with all the sites or services that allow voluntary sharing of personal information by children? In an era of widespread user-generated content, instant messaging, online gaming, and other forms of digital interaction, expanded verifiable parental consent requirements become a formidable regulatory problem.
5. Don’t older teens have some speech rights? The Common Sense Media proposal implies that teens are utterly incapable of making decisions for themselves until the day they turn 18.  Never mind that most U.S. states set their age of consent at 16 or 17, for example.  These teens are people who we already allow to hold jobs and drive cars and who will shortly be in college and then eligible to vote and serve in our Armed Forces.  Yet, the CSM approach would require “verifiable parental consent” before older teens could read or look at anything online.
6. What will the economic impact be of this mandate on smaller websites that cater to kids & teens? If expanded regulation crowds out smaller start-ups, the resulting level of creativity and innovation in this market will suffer.  Thus, COPPA expansion could lead to unnecessary industry consolidation as smaller operators are forced to sell to bigger player who can cover regulatory compliance costs.
7. What’s the potential cost to consumers / parents? Expanding verifiable parental consent requirements will no doubt burden the creators or various sites and services, but those costs will ultimately be borne by the public when they are passed along in the form of a fee for services, many of which were previously free of charge.
8. Aren’t there better, less burdensome, ways to protect kids’ privacy online? There are many beneficial steps being taken by site operators today that make kids safer online. If we assume that COPPA is the most important approach to keeping kids safe online, we are making a huge mistake. COPPA is probably one of the least important things that keeps kids safe online. It’s what sites do after kids get into their online communities that is really important because—guess what!—kids are going to get in to social networking communities and other sites.  There are many important steps being taken by countless online sites and communities take to make sure they offer more safe and secure environments for kids. In particular, beyond basic parental controls, moderation and intervention efforts by site operators are increasing within social networking sites, virtual worlds, and many other sites to ensure that they offer such “well lit” online neighborhoods. We should be encouraging a lot more of that and working to find new “oversight and intervention” methods to deal with problems when they pop up. Common Sense Media has done a lot of great work on this front and should have focused on how those methods could be improved instead of how the create a more cumbersome, intrusive, expensive, and ultimately unworkable age verification regulatory regime for the Internet.

As Rep. Markey and his fellow policymakers move forward with any plan to expand COPPA, they should carefully weight these considerations against the supposed evils of online data collection, advertising, and marketing.  It’s certainly true that greater care must be taken by advertisers and marketers when dealing with kids, but education, user / parental empowerment, and industry self-regulation may be the better approach here.

One of the old saws we hear from those who wish to impose more stringent regulations on advertising or product placement is that “it’s for the children.”  That is, critics such at the Campaign for a Commercial-Free Childhood and other organzations fear that, because children’s brains are less developed or they have not yet learned to differentiate commercial appeals from other types of information flows, kids may be more susceptible to persuasive commercial messaging. I think there’s some truth to that, but I also believe that (a) kids aren’t quite the sheep we make them out to be, (b) the potential “harm” here is not as great as the critics make it out to be and (c) parental supervision should be the primary the solution to the problem.

But let’s ask a different question entirely: Are we willing to forgo additional, and potentially more diverse, forms of children’s programming simply because we want to keep commercial messaging or product placement away from kids?   Consider the case study of The Hub, recently featured in The New York Times:

With imports of European cartoons, a smattering of Hasbro ads and a rerun of the movie “Garfield,” Hasbro and Discovery Communications unveiled a new television brand for children on Sunday, called The Hub. Over time, the two companies hope to prove that there is room for a fourth player alongside Nickelodeon, the Disney Channel and the Cartoon Network, the three heavyweights of children’s TV, said David M. Zaslav, the chief executive of Discovery Communications.  […]

The Hub is a significant retooling of Discovery Kids, a channel available in about 60 million homes that had withered within the portfolio of Discovery Communications… . Discovery Kids came onto television after Nickelodeon and the Disney Channel, and it never found a competitive footing. It earned less than 10 cents per subscriber from cable and satellite companies, and most of its ads were of the low-rent direct-response variety. “We were really lying in wait,” said Mr. Zaslav, who determined that he needed a business partner in the children’s market, and last year found an eager one in Hasbro, which paid $300 million for a 50 percent stake in the channel.

As with most media programming decisions, a trade-off is at work here: To ensure diverse new shows or channels can be sustained, programmers must find revenue streams to sustain them.  When direct subscription fees or other advertising methods prove unsustainable, the only remaining option is product sponsorship or some form of underwriting (unless we assume government funding for all children’s programming is an option, which is neither likely nor desirable).

Thus, the cost-benefit calculus comes down to the choice between a new kids’ channel that  includes product promotion, or no programming at all. For some of us, this is an easy call: Diversity and choice should trump concerns about the supposed evils of “commercialism.”  Restricting advertising in the name of “protecting children,” while well-intentioned, would limit cultural diversity and viewer choice and should, therefore, be rejected.

Of course, I feel passionately about that because I do not find the counter-argument convincing. Namely, I don’t think the critics make a good case that a serious “harm” exists from exposure to commercial messages or product placement.  Hell, I can’t even count how many G.I. Joe-related product placement things I grew up consuming; I was obsessed with the stuff.  But so what?  Was I somehow irreparably harmed by it?  And how about those endless Star Wars-related product placements? How were kids harmed by that?  Because they begged Mom and Dad to buy more Star Wars toys?  I could go on with countless examples, but you get the point.

Regardless, the point I am making above is a very different one:  As a parent, would you rather have an additional option like The Hub, even if it includes some product placement / promotion, or would you rather not have an additional choice at all?  Seems like a simple choice to me.  And we should all be free to make it for ourselves and our families.

Adam and I have been pretty hard on the FTC’s current leadership for pushing to dramatically expand regulation of online data use with little thought to the impact on ad-supported media, while in the next breath opening the door to dramatic expansion of direct government support of media, and all the while seeking sweeping new regulatory powers from Congress.

After all that complaining (and bashing their Soviet Realist-style statue, “Man Controlling Trade”), you might think we had it in for the agency. But as I’ve said repeatedly, we’re actually big fans of the FTC’s core consumer protection mission: holding companies to their promises. (Indeed, we want to make sure they stay focused on that mission, and have the staff, resources and technological tools to pursue it effectively—which might mean, as I’ve pointed out, increased funding rather than increased powers.) We’ve also repeatedly praised the FTC’s efforts to educate kids, parents, and Internet users in general about things like online privacy, advertising, spyware, user empowerment tools, online scams, etc.

But I don’t want to be accused of being only a fair-weather friend of the agency. So I wanted to point out a particularly good concrete example of the FTC doing what we talk about in the abstract: holding companies to their promises.  Grant Gross notes that the FTC sent a stern letter earlier this month to the company that is seeking to buy the subscriber info and photos and other assets of the now-defunct XY Magazine, which served primarily gay U.S. teens, warning them that the FTC would hold them to the terms of the privacy policy under which XY collected information from its subscribers.

This is a great example of how the FTC can effectively use its existing authority to protect consumers against clear harms involved in the disclosure of truly sensitive data, sometimes even prophylactically—in this case, outing around 100,000 gay youths and young adults—collected by companies that make unambiguous promises to protect users’ data. This incident also illustrates how privacy law can evolve in an organic fashion from a growing body of such well-justified preemptive warnings, enforcement actions brought against truly bad actors, and ultimately court decisions that decide whether the FTC has properly weighed the interests at stake. In other words, just because we don’t have a privacy code enforced by a Data Protection Authority as in Europe doesn’t mean our legal system doesn’t protect privacy!

As Oliver Wendell Holmes Jr., famously described the Common Law in his 1897 article The Path of the Law:

The life of the law has not been logic; it has been experience. The felt necessities of the time, the prevalent moral and political theories, intuitions of public policy, avowed or unconscious, even the prejudices which judges share with their fellow men, have had a good deal more to do than the syllogism in determining the rules by which men should be governed. The law embodies the story of a nation’s development through many centuries, and it cannot be dealt with as if it contained only the axioms and corollaries of a book of mathematics.

F.A. Hayek said something very similar:

Until the discovery of Aristotle’s Politics in the thirteenth century and the reception of Justinian’s code in the fifteenth… WesternEurope passed through… [an] epoch of nearly a thousand yearswhen law was… regarded as something given independently of human will, something to be discovered, not made, and when the conception that law could be deliberately made or altered seemed almost sacrilegious.

I’d much rather see the FTC work to find the law of privacy over time in an iterative, case-by-case process than attempt to make such law in the form of, say, “comprehensive baseline privacy legislation.” The XY Magazine case is a great example of what, academic theory aside, the “path of privacy law” (to paraphrase Holmes) really looks like.  The FTC may over- or under- enforce in any particular case, but as long as they stick to that noble path, I’ll cheer them on from the sidelines—for I know how tedious the path can seem, and how seductive must be the promise of “axioms and corollaries” of privacy law reduced to mathematical precision.

I spend a lot of time here trying to debunk media “moral panics,” “techno-panics,” or unfounded hysteria over the impact of commercialism in general on kids. To believe what some politicians and regulatory agitators have to say, today’s youth always seem at the precipice of the moral abyss.  Our misguided youth are seemingly all going straight to hell and they dragging our culture and society down with them.

Except they’re not. It’s all the same old tripe we’ve heard one generation after another.  As the late University of North Carolina journalism professor Margaret A. Blanchard once noted: “[P]arents and grandparents who lead the efforts to cleanse today’s society seem to forget that they survived alleged attacks on their morals by different media when they were children. Each generation’s adults either lose faith in the ability of their young people to do the same or they become convinced that the dangers facing the new generation are much more substantial than the ones they faced as children.” And Thomas Hine, author of The Rise and Fall of the American Teenager, argues that: “We seem to have moved, without skipping a beat, from blaming our parents for the ills of society to blaming our children. We want them to embody virtues we only rarely practice. We want them to eschew habits we’ve never managed to break.”

Anyway, I was reminded of this again today as I was finally reading through a report published last year by the U.K.’s Department for Children, Schools and Families and the Department for Culture, Media and Sport. It’s entitled “The Impact of the Commercial World on Children’s Wellbeing” and it is very much worth your attention. Several people had recommended I check it out in recent months, but I’m ashamed to say I am only now getting around to it as I prepare an amicus brief for the Supreme Court’s review of a California video game law.  But this U.K. report is not to be missed. Here are a few of the choice bits from the study:

On moral panics generally:

Concerns about the harmful effects of popular culture on children and young people have a very long history, dating back well before electronic technology. These concerns reflect much more general anxieties about the future direction of society; but, as several studies have shown, they can also be inflamed and manipulated by those with much broader political, moral or religious motivations. These concerns occasionally reach the level of a ‘moral panic’, in which particular social groups and practices are publicly demonised – often on the basis of what are ultimately found to be quite spurious accusations. Perhaps paradoxically, such stories also play well in the media themselves, often receiving extensive and highly sensational coverage. (p. 25)

On “blaming commercialism” for the woes of the world:

Children’s growing access to media and technology, and the apparent increase in ‘commercialism’, are often cited as key reasons for this apparent corruption of childhood innocence. According to this view, childhood used to be a non-commercial experience: children were kept away from the sordid realities of the economy, and from the deceitful appeals of advertisers. But as commercialism has increasingly dominated childhood, and as children have come to be seen as ‘fair game’ for marketers, the freedom and innocence of childhood have been destroyed. These kinds of arguments have been made many times over the years by commentators from a wide range of political, moral and religious persuasions. Indeed, they can be seen as part of a long-standing tradition in Western social thought that dates back at least to the Romantics. This is a long and complex tradition, which has motivated significant reforms in children’s lives – for example through the work of writers such as Blake and Dickens and campaigners such as Shaftesbury. However, in some respects it has also entailed a resistance to modernity. Modern technology, urbanisation, consumer capitalism, the pressure to compete, and the ‘speed’ of contemporary life have all been cited as the villains of the piece; and there is a strong sense of nostalgia for a simpler, slower time, a rural idyll of family togetherness and spontaneous play, in which ‘children could be children’. (p. 26)

On how childhood is represented in political debates:

it is important to consider how children and childhood are represented in this debate. The ‘toxic childhood’ approach provides an extremely negative representation of contemporary childhood. Children are portrayed here as vulnerable and helpless victims, rather than in any way resilient or competent – or indeed happy. They are seen to be suffering from a litany of ills and problems: the more positive aspects of modern childhood – for example, in terms of the range of opportunities children enjoy – are largely ignored. The potential benefits of the commercial world, or of modern media and technology, for children are effectively marginalised. The possibility that most children (and their parents) are reasonably well-adjusted and doing fairly well is rarely entertained: the glass is very definitely half-empty. (p. 28)

On causal relationships (or what I refer to as the “monkey-see, monkey-do” theories):

[Another] key problem here is to do with the nature of the causal relationships and explanations that are suggested for the apparent ‘crisis’ of contemporary childhood. There is a persistent logical confusion in these arguments between correlations and causes. The fact that x and y happened at more or less the same time does not in itself mean that x must have caused y, or indeed vice-versa. Even if we can prove an association between x and y (that is, that more of x coincides with more of y), this does not amount to proof of a causal connection. In these debates, the distinctions between symptoms and causes are frequently  blurred; and incompatible or contradictory phenomena are often attributed to the same fundamental cause.  Unfortunately, this is also the case with a good deal of the research in this field. (p. 29)

On “The Limits of Nostolgia”:

Finally, it is important to consider the historical dimension of the argument. There is a very dominant strain of nostalgia here – a looking back to a ‘golden age’ when childhood and family life were apparently harmonious, stable and well-adjusted. But it is often far from clear when that time was, or the social groups to whom this description applies; and the basis on which historical comparisons are being made is frequently unclear. Historical studies of childhood certainly give good grounds for questioning whether such a ‘golden age’ has ever existed: if anything, they would suggest that the lives of children in earlier times were significantly harder than they are today. (p. 29)

Absolutely correct on all those counts.  Of course, I’m cherry-picking a bit here and pulling out the bits with which I find myself in general agreement. The report is more balanced than I’ve suggested here. So read the entire thing for yourself. It’s quite interesting. [More background on it here.]

Connect Safely, which is great parenting and online child safety resource run by my friends Anne Collier and Larry Magid, has just released some excellent “Virtual World Safety Tips for Parents of Teens.”  Tons of good advice in there worth checking out, especially the thing I always focus on in all my online safety work—talk to your kids!! Here’s Anne and Larry on that point:

Talk with your teens about the virtual worlds they use – ask them to show you around. See what their avatars look like and what screen names they’ve chosen to represent themselves. What do their profiles and the appearance of their avatars say about them? Try to hold back snap judgments (long-term guidance usually works better than control if the goal is learning rather than short-term compliance – see this). Are their virtual-world profiles linked to social-network ones, and how much do those linked-up profiles together reveal about them – too much? Are their in-world friends mostly friends they know in real life? If not, do they know that they can’t really know who people are online unless they know them offline?

It’s about getting a dialogue going with your kids. That is so absolutely essential and it would help head off about 90% of the problems that develop online today with kids. Kids need mentoring, whether its in meatspace or cyberspace. But make sure to read all the Connect Safely tips. They are excellent.

Incidentally, I talked about some of these issues when I did a virtual guest lecture in Second Life last October hosted by Metanomics. The show was called “Live Free and Prosper: Government’s Place in Virtual Worlds and On-line Communities,” and I posted all the video clips here.  I also encourage those of you interested in these issues to check out these recent TLF guest posts by Joshua Fairfield an Associate Professor of Law at Washington & Lee University School of Law.  He recently posted and interesting essay entitled, “Virtual Paternalism” as well as a summary and discussion of the recent “FTC Report on Kids and Virtual Worlds.”  Worth reading.

In a recent PFF paper I argued that “We Are Living in the Golden Age of Children’s Programming,” and showed how, despite incessant complaints by many policymakers:

the overall market for family and children’s programming options continues to expand quite rapidly. Thirty years ago, families had a limited number of children’s television programming options at their disposal on broadcast TV. Today, by contrast, there exists a broad and growing diversity of children’s television options from which families can choose.

I then documented there and in my book, Parental Controls & Online Child Protection:

• the many excellent family- or child-oriented networks available on cable, telco, and satellite television today;
• the growing universe of religious / spiritual television networks;
• the many family or educational programs that traditional TV broadcasters offer; or
• the massive market for interactive computer software or Internet websites for children.

And every time I turn around I find another great show, service, or site for families to choose from.  Earlier today I highlighted the excellent new online video search service, Clicker.com, which is essentially a “TV Guide for the Internet.”  It is absolutely awesome and I highly recommend you play with it. You’ll be instantly hooked if you are TV junkie.

Better yet, Clicker.com offers a wonderful compendium of kid- and family-oriented video programming options. Although the site is still fairly new, you can already find 660 shows and almost 5,000 unique episodes of kids programming there.  A lot of it is just good ‘ol fashion couch potato fare ranging from the old (The Jetsons, Fat Albert, The Flintstones, etc) to the new stuff that you’d find on various cable channels today.  But there’s also plenty of wonderful educational programming to be found on Clicker including shows like Arthur, Sesame Street (over 1,000 episodes), Martha Speaks, The Electric Company, Animal Exploration with Jarod Miller, Jonathan Bird’s Blue World, Postcards From Buster, Science on Brain Pop, Technology on Brain Pop, and more.

Although my kids aren’t really into TV, as they grow older, I bet they’ll be watching a lot more programming via services like Clicker.  Currently, my kids enjoy watching snippets of video via kid-oriented online search portals like KidZui and Glubble.  Such online walled gardens offer a safe place for parents to find terrific online content for their kids.   Bottom line: compared to the miserable state of affairs some of us faced growing up in the 1970s, kids and parents have never had it better in terms of the video programming options at their disposal.

Anyway, some of “kid-vid” issues — including potential expansion of the Children’s Television Act of 1990 — could be up for discussion in the FCC’s new proceeding, “Empowering Parents and Protecting Children in an Evolving Media Landscape” (MB Docket 09-194).  The FCC just tweeted about it here and I posted my thoughts on where the agency might be heading in this proceeding in this post last month.

OnGuardOnline.gov is a project of a dozen federal agencies and several private child safety organizations who have collaborated to create a website which “provides practical tips from the federal government and the technology industry to help you be on guard against Internet fraud, secure your computer, and protect your personal information.”  The Federal Trade Commission (FTC) is particularly instrumental in maintaining and promoting the site but it works closely with those other agencies and organizations to craft messages and programs.

OnGuardOnline has just released a terrific new online safety resource called  Net Cetera: Chatting with Kids about Being Online. This 54-page document is an outstanding resource for parents.  The report’s advice and recommendations are spot on across the board and I particularly want to highlight the important section right at the front of the document entitled, “Talk to Your Kids.”  It begins: “The best way to protect your kids online? Talk to them. Research suggests that when children want important information, most rely on their parents.” Quite right.  And the NetCetra report goes on to offer the following excellent advice:

• Start early. After all, even toddlers see their parents use all kinds of devices. As soon as your child is using a computer, a cell phone or any mobile device, it’s time to talk to them about online behavior, safety, and security. As a parent, you have the opportunity to talk to your kid about what’s important before anyone else does.
• Create an honest, open environment. Kids look to their parents to help guide them. Be supportive and positive.  Listening and taking their feelings into account helps keep conversation afloat. You may not have all the answers, and being honest about that can go a long way.

• Initiate conversations. Even if your kids are comfortable approaching you, don’t wait for them to start the conversation. Use everyday opportunities to talk to your kids about being online. For instance, a TV program featuring a teen online or using a cell phone can tee up a discussion about what to do—or not—in similar circumstances. News stories about internet scams or cyberbullying, for example, also can help start a conversation with kids about their experiences and your expectations.
• Communicate your values. Be upfront about your values and how they apply in an online context. Communicating your values clearly can help your kids make smarter and more thoughtful decisions when they face tricky situations.
• Be patient. Resist the urge to rush through conversations with your kids. Most kids need to hear information repeated, in small doses, for it to sink in. If you keep talking with your kids, your patience and persistence will pay off in the long run. Work hard to keep the lines of communication open, even if you learn your kid has done something online you find inappropriate.

Absolutely perfect; that’s a great model for all parents to adopt.  And the report offers excellent advice on a variety of issues from there.

This is exactly the sort of thing I called for the government to start doing in my report, Parental Controls & Online Child Protection.  In Sec IV.B(2) of my report (beginning on pg. 150 of Ver. 4.0), I called for public officials to get serious about online safety education and awareness building by using collaborative efforts and promotional tools to spread general safety messages.  This sort of education and awareness building is the constructive alternative to regulatory efforts that are all too often favored by some policymakers and regulators.

The FTC and all the other agencies and organizations involved in creating the Net Cetera report deserve high praise for what they’ve done here.  Absolutely outstanding work. Read it.

Playboy’s newly released 2009 College Sex Survey found that 49% of college students admitted to “Sexting” (having sent or received sexually explicit messages and pictures via cell phones). A survey conducted a year ago by the National Campaign to Prevent Teen and Unplanned Pregnancy and CosmoGirl.com found that 20% of teens (13-19) and 33% young adults (20-26) have “sent/posted nude or seminude pictures or video of themselves.” Together, these two studies give us a sense of just how prevalent sexting is.

Since nude photos of minors under 18 can be considered “child” pornography even if taken and shared voluntarily by the minor, there’s a very real possibility that minors will be prosecuted for common (if inappropriate) interactions with their peers under laws that were intended to prevent adults from exploiting children sexually. This is serious stuff indeed when one considers the dire consequences of being convicted not just of a felony, but a “sex offense.” Depending on state law, “sexters” put on a sex offender registry may spend the rest of their lives on sex registries as social pariahs with difficulty in finding a job, housing, being banned from using “social networking sites,” etc.

The study conducted last year offered some excellent advice for teens, young adults, and their parents. Perhaps we ought to spend more time focused on education than on criminalization.  The tips are worth repeating here.  First, for teens and kids: “Five Things to Think about Before Pressing Send:”

Don’t assume anything you send or post is going to remain private. Your messages and images will get passed around, even if you think they won’t: 40% of teens and young adults say they have had a sexually suggestive message (originally meant to be private) shown to them and 20% say they have shared such a message with someone other than the person for whom is was originally meant. There is no changing your mind in cyberspace—anything you send or post will never truly go away. Something that seems fun and flirty and is done on a whim will never really die. Potential employers, college recruiters, teachers, coaches, parents, friends, enemies, strangers and others may all be able to find your past posts, even after you delete them. And it is nearly impossible to control what other people are posting about you. Think about it: Even if you have second thoughts and delete a racy photo, there is no telling who has already copied that photo and posted it elsewhere. Don’t give in to the pressure to do something that makes you uncomfortable, even in cyberspace. More than 40% of teens and young adults (42% total, 47% of teens, 38% of young adults) say “pressure from guys” is a reason girls and women send and post sexually suggestive messages and images. More than 20% of teens and young adults (22% total, 24% teens, 20% young adults) say “pressure from friends” is a reason guys send and post sexually suggestive messages and images. Consider the recipient’s reaction. Just because a message is meant to be fun doesn’t mean the person who gets it will see it that way. Four in ten teen girls who have sent sexually suggestive content did so “as a joke” but many teen boys (29%) agree that girls who send such content are “expected to date or hook up in real life.” It’s easier to be more provocative or outgoing online, but whatever you write, post or send does contribute to the reallife impression you’re making. Nothing is truly anonymous. Nearly one in five young people who send sexually suggestive messages and images, do so to people they only know online (18% total, 15% teens, 19% young adults). It is important to remember that even if someone only knows you by screen name, online profile, phone number or email address, that they can probably find you if they try hard enough.

And tips for “parents to talk to their kids about sex and technology:”

Talk to your kids about what they are doing in cyberspace. Just as you need to talk openly and honestly with your kids about real life sex and relationships, you also want to discuss online and cell phone activity. Make sure your kids fully understand that messages or pictures they send over the Internet or their cell phones are not truly private or anonymous. Also make sure they know that others might forward their pictures or messages to people they do not know or want to see them, and that school administrators and employers often look at online profiles to make judgments about potential students/employees. It’s essential that your kids grasp the potential short-term and long-term consequences of their actions. Know who your kids are communicating with. Of course it’s a given that you want to know who your children are spending time with when they leave the house. Also do your best to learn who your kids are spending time with online and on the phone. Supervising and monitoring your kids’ whereabouts in real life and in cyberspace doesn’t make you a nag; it’s just part of your job as a parent. Many young people consider someone a “friend” even if they’ve only met online. What about your kids? Consider limitations on electronic communication. The days of having to talk on the phone in the kitchen in front of the whole family are long gone, but you can still limit the time your kids spend online and on the phone. Consider, for example, telling your teen to leave the phone on the kitchen counter when they’re at home and to take the laptop out of their bedroom before they go to bed, so they won’t be tempted to log on or talk to friends at 2a.m. Be aware of what your teens are posting publicly. Check out your teen’s MySpace, Facebook and other public  online profiles from time to time. This isn’t snooping—this is information your kids are making public. If everyone else can look at it, why can’t you? Talk with them specifically about their own notions of what is public and what is private. Your views may differ but you won’t know until you ask, listen, and discuss. Set expectations. Make sure you are clear with your teen about what you consider appropriate “electronic” behavior. Just as certain clothing is probably off-limits or certain language unacceptable in your house, make sure you let your kids know what is and is not allowed online either. And give reminders of those expectations from time to time. It doesn’t mean you don’t trust your kids, it just reinforces that you care about them enough to be paying attention.

Today I was invited to the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) to testify at one of the agency’s Broadband Working Group workshops. This particular workshop was on “Broadband Consumer Context,” which focused on “a range of challenges and opportunities as the internet becomes a focal point for commercial transactions, social networking, and a host of activities pertaining to information gathering and exchange.”

I was asked to address the issue of whether there is a relationship between online safety concerns and broadband uptake. In my testimony, I noted that, in my 15 years of research in this area, I have never unearthed any substantive empirical evidence suggesting a correlation between parental concerns about online activity and overall household broadband uptake. I have seen occasional anecdotal news stories discussing the concerns some parents have had about their kids online that led them to reject online connectivity, but these stories have been exceedingly rare (and I haven’t seen any in recent memory).

I also argued that I did not think it at all surprising that such anecdotes are harder to find, or that empirical evidence on this front seems non-existent. I argued that there were four logical explanations for why parental concerns about online safety haven’t “moved the broadband needle” much in the negative direction:

1. Not every home has children present
2. Parents use a variety of household media rules to control media & Internet usage
3. A vibrant marketplace of parental control technologies exists
4. Likely that most parents believe that the benefits of broadband outweigh the potential downsides

For all the details on each of those, read my entire testimony or check out the presentation embedded below that I made to the FCC today.

Is There a Relationship Between Online Safety Concerns and Broadband Uptake? (Adam Thierer – PFF) http://d.scribd.com/ScribdViewer.swf?document_id=19575851&access_key=key-1igiha619z8f15dm6hg5&page=1&version=1&viewMode=

Sometimes the most revealing conversations about policy issues happen with our loved ones at the breakfast table. Although loyal TLF readers may remember my partner Michael as my “Posterboy for Advertising’s Pro-Consumer Quid Pro Quo,” he doesn’t usually get into the policy issues I cover.  But this morning, we fell into a conversation about the bitterly contentious issue of marketing to kids:

Michael: Growing up in South Korea, on a military base, we didn’t have any commercials on television. We had three channels and all they showed was public service announcements.

Sounds like paradise for anti-advertising zealots like Jeff Chester and the media reformistas who want to re-create the old media scarcity in the name of “media democracy“! Anyway:

We moved back to the U.S. when I was nine, and suddenly, during all my favorite cartoons, there were ads for toys. It was exciting—and more than a little bit overwhelming! It wasn’t just that I wanted these toys; it was that felt this incredible sense of urgency: I thought we had to go get the toys right now or they’d be gone! What did Rousseau call his innocent man, the Noble Savage? That’s what we were: The noble savage, coming into this world of sophisticated toy advertisements. But it didn’t take long for me to get over this initial bewilderment. My parents explained to me that we didn’t really have to go to the store  right away. (They also explained to me that I couldn’t haggle with the staff at Toys ‘R Us the same way I’d haggled with street vendors back in Korea—something that utterly mystified the staff.) After one trip to Toys Toys ‘R Us, I got the toys I wanted most and, over the next few months, realized that they weren’t anywhere near as exciting as I had imagined. After that, I enjoyed the toy ads on TV, but I lost interest in many of the toys I already had, preferring to create my own toys or play outside.

I explained that advertising of toys to kids has long been the cause celebre of anti-advertising crusaders:

Michael: But kids are acquisitive, too! How are they supposed to know about the latest toys if you can’t advertise to them? And what’s the big deal, anyway? I got used to toy ads and I think most kids would, too. The thing that’s different is incentive programs at stores.

My sister was really into the Limited Too‘s incentive program from the ages of about 7 to 11. She knew all the saleswomen by name at the Limited Too in our mall. It was like our mothers at Bloomingdale’s! She had a huge wardrobe for an elementary school kid.  I don’t think it was unhealthy, but it’s not exactly a fair game. Me: So why did your parents let her do it? Michael: Because they were indulgent! Her friends didn’t have wardrobes like she did—it was just my mom. My dad just wasn’t around much, so we spent a lot of time shopping. It shouldn’t really have been that way. Me: Do you think it was bad for your sister? Michael: No, but it’s a good thing she’s so sensible and practical now, because otherwise her acquisitiveness about clothes might get out of hand. I think she learned that at the Limited Too.

So maybe shopping incentive programs could really teach some kids bad habits and maybe those habits are hard (but certainly not impossible) to kick later on in life. Those are good reasons for parents not to let their kids sign up for such rewards programs! We certainly don’t need a law to fix this problem: We just need parents to exercise their power of the purse and learn to say “No!”—as the parents of Michael’s sister’s friends apparently did. Relying on parental responsibility instead of banning such programs means that parents would have the opportunity to teach their kids to shop responsibly—and still benefit from the discounts such programs offer on clothes they’d buy anyway.

In the meantime, let’s stop pretending kids are helpless drones just waiting to be programmed by evil marketers who get them “hooked on capitalism” by showing them ads for GI Joe, Barbie, digital penguins, Hannah Montanna or whatever it is kids these days care about. Oh, and lest anyone insist that kids don’t really “need” toys or clothes from Limited Too, let me simply point to this brilliant 1959 magazine ad by the ad firm Young & Rubicam:

There is no chestnut more overworked than the critical whinny: “Advertising sells people things they don’t need.” We, as one agency, plead guilty. Advertising does sell people things they don’t need. Things like television sets, automobiles, catsup, mattresses, cosmetics, ranges, refrigerators, and so on and on. People don’t really need these things. People don’t really need art, music, literature, newspapers, historians. wheels, calendars, philosophy, or, for that matter, critics of advertising, either. All people really need is a cave, a piece of meat and, possibly, a fire. The complex thing we call civilization is made up of luxuries. An eminent philosopher of our time has written that great art is superior to lesser art in the degree that it is “life-enhancing.” Perhaps something of the same thing can be claimed for the products that are sold through advertising. They enhance life, to whatever degree they can.

I’d much rather have parents deciding what their kids “need” than some paternalist bureaucrat!

I like this new document about guarding your online reputation that has just been jointly published by Reputation Defender and the Internet Keep Safe Coalition (iKeepSafe). They list these “3 Key Tips for Parents” for how to deal with concerns about their children’s online safety, privacy, and reputation:

1. Keep Current with Technology: Talk to teachers about what forms of Internet safety tools they implement in computer labs and technology classes, consider these safety tools for home use, and stay up-to-date on the capabilities of any mobile devices your child may have. 2. Keep Communicating with Your Kids: Find out who your child talks to online, educate your kids about the permanence of any “digital footprints” they leave behind, limit the use of social networks, and make it a habit to engage your kids in critical conversation—the more you talk to your kids about their online usage, the more they will learn to use digital products in a safe and healthy manner. 3. Keep Checking Your Kid’s Internet Activity: Keep computers in a central public location, check your child’s browsing histories, and limit your child’s computer time—there’s a whole world of outdoor and offline activities where they should be involved!

All good advice. I especially like their focus on getting parents to communicate early and often with their kids. It’s something I have beat the drum about quite a bit in my own work on the subject. Specifically, they rightly stress the importance of “encourag[ing] your child to think critically and evaluate sources of online information, and about promises made by other people online.” “[M]ake it a habit to engage your kids in critical conversation,” they stress. “The more you talk to your kids about their online usage, the more they will learn to use digital products in a safe and healthy manner.”

Here are some of the questions they suggest to parents that will help them get these conversations rolling with their kids:

• “How much time do you spend online when you’re not at home?”
• “What kinds of things do you or your friends usually do when you’re online?”
• “Show me your favorite sites.”
• “Why are they your favorites?”
• “Are there any websites you don’t like? Why don’t you like them?”
• “Do you talk to other people online?”
• “Who are they?”
• “What do you talk about?”
• “Are you the same person online as you are offline?”

All good stuff.  This how responsible parenting in the Information Age gets started. It’s never easy to have such conversations, but they are essential.  Especially if we don’t want lawmakers proposing that Uncle Sam become our national nanny.

I’m not sure how I missed this, but someone just pointed out to me that in late July, the city of Amherst, NY, “failed to approve a game license for [Chuck E. Cheese’s] the kids-themed food and entertainment venue… citing concerns about violent video games and bad behavior by patrons that require police intervention.”  That is according to this article by Sandra Tan in The Buffalo News.  Tan reports that the Amherst Town Board deadlocked 3-3 when considering the license for Chuck E. Cheese’s, apparently meaning that the pizza and arcade hot spot for kids will no longer be able to offer games at their Amherst venue. According to her article, game content considerations drove the move:

Council Member Shelly Schratz said she was disturbed by several “action-packed shoot-and-kill games” that were accessible to children as young as 4.  “When I see 6-year-olds, 8-year-olds playing those games, when all the time we’re opening the paper and seeing those stories on youth violence, do we need those games to make money?” she said.  Schratz was one of three board members who voted against renewing the establishment’s game room license, which is necessary for the business to legally run its arcade games, a major draw for families that patronize the chain’s 500-plus locations from coast to coast.

I find the actions of Amherst in this case to be quite troubling. Here are a few quick thoughts about this incident:

(1) What in the world are local city councils doing licensing video arcades? It’s not like we are talking about riverboat gambling enterprises here (although I personally don’t think they need to be licensed either). Of course, there’s a tax angle in it for the local towns. Tan notes that “Licensing brings in revenue for the town, including a $100 application fee, an additional annual license fee of $200 for up to five games, and $40 more for each additional game, according to the town code.”  Essentially, towns like Amherst are taxing young kids’ quarters to fill city coffers!  But that doesn’t necessarily make it right, especially in light of #2…

(2) When lawmakers use an occupational licenses as a tool of content regulation it raises profound First Amendment issues. Unfortunately, as the comments cited above suggest, that seems to be what is going on in the Amherst case. If occupational licensure can be used as a tool of censorship in cases like this, where else might public officials seek to use it? Can licensed doctors or lawyers be told what they can say or print?

(3) I have to wonder if the proponents of such a video arcade ban ever visited a Chuck E. Cheese’s and really spent time examining the games. You won’t find many slasher games there. In fact, you’ll mostly find the games from the exact opposite end of the video game spectrum: many of the same mindless games we grew up with a generation ago, some of which aren’t even video games (like skee ball and mini-basketball).  Most of the actual video games found there are quite mild in nature. [Incidentally, I know this for a fact because I visit Chuck E. Cheese outlets with my kids far more than I care to admit!]

(4) At some point parental responsibility has to enter the picture. Where are the parents or guardians? Are they just dropping young kids off and hoping the Chucky the mouse will be their babysitter?  If so, those are some bad parents. But that doesn’t mean that the city council should be playing nanny and taking over those responsibilities for parents by shutting down arcades that the vast majority of kids frequent without incident.

(5) Finally, speaking of parental responsibility and less-restrictive approaches to the issue, did you know there is an arcade rating system for games?  The “Coin-Operated Video Game Parental Advisory System” is administered by the American Amusement Machine Association (AAMA), the Amusement and Music Operators Association (AMOA), and the International Association for the Leisure & Entertainment Industry (IALEI). It uses a color-coded, “traffic light” approach so that parents can review the green, yellow, or red sticker labels on arcade games and decide whether to let their children play. I’ve embedded that rating system and its various designations below. [I wrote about this more in my big “Parental Controls & Online Child Protection” book.]

In light of these concerns, I fail to see why Amherst or any other city should be in the business of licensing video arcades. And even if they are doing so for tax purposes, they shouldn’t be using that power to censor arcade games or shutting down businesses that offer such games.

Maine has just enacted a law severely restricting marketing to kids: the Act To Prevent Predatory Marketing Practices against Minors, summarized by Covington & Burling. Adam and I released a major paper in June about such laws: COPPA 2.0: The New Battle over Privacy, Age Verification, Online Safety & Free Speech. Maine is following the lead of several other states that have tried to expand the Children’s Online Privacy Protection Act (COPPA) of 1998 to cover nost just kids under 13 but adolescents as well and potentially all social networking sites. We discussed at length the problems such laws create, particularly the possibility that large numbers of adults would, for the first time, be subject to age verification mandates before accessing (or participating in) the growing range of sites with social networking capabilities.  This, in turn, would significantly “chill” free speech online by undermining anonymity.

Like COPPA 2.0 proposals in New Jersey (simply extending COPPA to cover adolescents) and Illinois (applying COPPA to most social networking sites), the Maine law tries to build on COPPA’s “verifiable parental consent” requirement for the 13-17 audience as well as those under 13.

On the one hand, the Maine law goes much further than these other COPPA 2.0 proposals. While the original bill was limited to the Internet and wireless communications, the final bill’s scope applies to all communications.  The bill also covers “health-related” information (HRI) as well as “personal information” (PI). On the other hand, the Maine law is thus somewhat narrower than other COPPA 2.0 proposals and COPPA itself in that it applies only to “marketing or advertising products, goods or services.” While COPPA is commonly misunderstood to cover only marketing, it actually covers essentially any “collection” (broadly defined) of personal information from kids for any purpose—including merely giving kids access to communications functionality that might let them share personal information with other users (even if the site itself is not “collecting” that information in the commonly understood sense).

Verifiable parental consent is required for collection of HRI or PI (§ 9552(1)). So far, the Maine law is clearly trying to stick to the basic COPPA model while expanding its application to adolescents, health information and the offline world. (Indeed, the law concludes by authorizing the state AG to bring enforcement actions for violations of COPPA, as COPPA itself allows.) But the Maine law goes much further by banning:

• The transfer of HRI/PI to third parties if it “individually identifies the minor” (§ 9552(2)); and
• The use of HRI/PI “for the purpose of marketing a product or service to that minor or promoting any course of action for the minor relating to a product” (§ 9553).

It’s unclear what either prohibition will mean in practice. Obviously, if the law imposed a complete ban on the use of HRI/PI, there would be no point to obtaining verifiable parental consent in the first place! Thus, the law seems to contemplate that the prohibition on transferring individually identifying information would leave data-collectors free to transfer de-identified data once they’ve obtained verifiable parental consent for the initial collection. I’m no marketing expert but I imagine that Maine legislators were trying to ban the sale of lists that identify individual kids, while allowing the use of de-identified data for, say, analyzing patterns of interests among kids.

It’s less clear what the use-prohibition (§ 9553) actually means. Would it allow kids-oriented marketing based on aggregated de-identified information? If so, what would that actually mean in the real world? Would that be a distinction without a difference by effectively shutting down legitimate marketing most people would find unobjectionable, harmless, or even very helpful? If the law wouldn’t even allow such use of aggregate data, why, again, would any company ever bother obtaining parental consent?

Indeed, the Association of National Advertisers has interpreted this provision as amounting to an outright ban, regardless of parental permission, and points out that the bill:

would seemingly cut off “minors”‘… from being marketed to about colleges and universities, testing services such as the SAT and ACT, test prep services, class rings, among many other potential categories.

ANA vows to “have the law abrogated or modified so that it will not continue to place such extraordinarily broad restrictions on marketers, when the legislature reconvenes” in January—even though the law goes into effect in mid-September. They could challenge the law on a number of grounds in the courts.

While the First Amendment analysis of commercial free speech rights doubtless be complicated, a simpler argument could be brought on Dormant Commerce Clause grounds: Under the Supreme Court’s 1970 decision in  Pike v. Bruce Church, if “the burden imposed . . . is clearly excessive in relation to the putative local benefit, and if the local interest can be promoted by other regulations that have a lesser impact on interstate activities,” the court may strike down a state law that burdens interstate commerce. Indeed, the courts have struck down a number of Internet-related state laws on such grounds.

Insofar as Maine’s law affects online communications, it could be struck down on Dormant Commerce Clause grounds by forcing out-of-state websites to treat users in Maine differently—or to treat all users as if they were in Maine. To some extent, this will depend on how the statute is actually construed. COPPA applies both to knowing collection and to collection through child-oriented sites like Club Penguin (because the operator should know that they are collecting information from a child), but the Maine law applies only to knowing collection. If the statute is narrowly construed, this would mean that only websites that ask user for their age (say, in setting up a social networking profile) would generally be affected. A broader reading might affect websites that are oriented towards, or simply popular among, minors, in which case sites would essentially be forced to age verify all users (as with other COPPA 2.0 proposals). While this seems unlikely given the meaning generally attached to the word “knowing” in American law, even the narrow reading would affect many social networking sites.

The other major unanswered question lies in how broadly the term “individually identifiable information” would be construed. Like COPPA, the Maine law covers all such information, but rather than define this term exhaustively, the laws simply provide a few more specific categories of examples. Maine’s list differs from COPPA’s in that it does not include e-mail addresses, telephone numbers, screen names, or other contact information. But the list does include names, and this is enough to implicate profile-basedsocial networks like Facebook. If construed more broadly, the Maine law could affect other website operators.

In any event, if websites have to try to accomodate Maine’s law, they might have to track user location to ensure that they comply with Maine law.  As we noted in our paper:

If a site relied only on location information provided by the user, adolescents would quickly learn to lie about what state they live in just as children have learned to lie about how old they are to avoid triggering COPPA’s “actual knowledge” requirement.  Alternatively, websites could attempt to determine a user’s location automatically based on their IP address, but such “IP geocoding” is not always accurate and can be subverted by use of a proxy.

Finally, in case you were wondering where this bill came from, here’s the purpose statement for the original bill:

This bill addresses the current practices of persons using the Internet and other wireless communications devices, with or without promotional incentives, to acquire health-related information about minors and then using that information unscrupulously. Under this bill, it is unlawful to solicit or collect health-related information about a minor who is not emancipated without the express written consent of the minor’s parent or guardian, to transfer any health-related information that identifies a minor or to use any of that information to market a product or service to a minor regardless of whether or not the information was lawfully obtained. Unlawful marketing includes promoting a course of action relating to a product.

If a challenge is brought in court, the state will have to be a lot more specific about defining the harm at issue than merely asserting that information is being collected and might be unsed “unscrupulously.” As the Supreme Court declared in the 1993 case of Edenfield v. Fane, the government’s burden in justifying a restrictions on even commercial speech (which is accorded less protection than non-commercial speech):

is not satisfied by mere speculation or conjecture; rather a governmental body seeking to sustain a restriction on commercial speech must demonstrate that the harms it recites are real and that its restriction will in fact alleviate them to a material degree.

In short, this new law raises many legal and practical questions. I’ll be watching closely to see how any effort have the law amended or challenged in court plays out.  I suspect we’ll see more states following Maine’s lead if this law stands in its current form.

The Senate Commerce Committee held a hearing yesterday where a number of Senators as well as Julius Genachowski, the new Chairman of the Federal Communications Commission, did a lot of fretting about the state of the modern children’s television programming marketplace.  According to the Wall Street Journal, Senate Commerce Committee Chairman Jay Rockefeller (D-WV):

suggested that a “little red button” be required on TVs so that a child could push the button to find out how a show is rated. Democratic Sen. Mark Pryor of Arkansas agreed that a red button might help since parents often have difficulties figuring out which shows are appropriate for their children to watch.

Well, I have some good news for the Senators: There are already quite a few little buttons on every remote control made today, and at least one of those buttons can pull up an on-screen guide to get more program info! (Another of them can turn the TV off!) Moreover, the ratings for just about every program already appear at the beginning of each show, and sometimes in between. And you can find out plenty more online about every TV show under the sun if you care to look.  So, I’m not sure what that fuss is all about, and we certainly don’t need to mandate “little red buttons” on every TV set when program information can be found in so many other ways.

What is more troubling about all the hand-wringing taking place at the hearing, as well as the talk of reopening the Children’s Television Act of 1990 to potentially impose more content mandates on video programmers and distributors, is that: (1) there doesn’t seem to be much appreciation for just how much wonderful children’s programming is out there today compared to the past, and (2) there doesn’t seem to be much recognition of the serious First Amendment issues at stake when government gets involved in the messy business of regulating video programming.

On that first point, let me just reiterate what I have found after conducting an exhaustive survey of the market for children’s programming in my ongoing PFF special report, Parental Controls & Online Child Protection: A Survey of Tools & Methods.  I found that the overall market for family and children’s programming options continues to expand quite rapidly. Thirty years ago, families had a limited number of children’s television programming options at their disposal on broadcast TV.  Today, by contrast, there exists a broad and growing diversity of children’s television options from which families can choose. The list below highlights just some of the more popular family- or child-oriented networks available on cable, telco, and satellite television today. And this list continues to grow rapidly.

• ABC Family Channel (http://abcfamily.go.com)
• Animal Planet (http://animal.discovery.com)
• Anime Network (www.theanimenetwork.com)
• Black Family Channel (www.blackfamilychannel.com)
• Boomerang (www.cartoonnetwork.com/tv_shows/boomerang)
• Cartoon Network (www.cartoonnetwork.com)
• Discovery Channel (www.discovery.com)
• Discovery Kids (http://kids.discovery.com)
• Disney Channel (www.disney.go.com/disneychannel)
• Encore WAM!
• Familyland Television Network (www.familyland.org/content/Content.aspx?CategoryID=51)
• FUNimation (www.funimation.com)
• Hallmark Channel (www.hallmarkchannel.com)
• Hallmark Movie Channel (www.hallmarkmoviechannel.com)
• HBO Family (www.hbofamily.com)
• History Channel (www.history.com)
• KTV – Kids & Teens Television (www.ktvzone.com)
• Learning Channel (http://tlc.discovery.com)
• National Geographic Channel (http://channel.nationalgeographic.com/channel)
• Nickelodeon (www.nick.com)
• Nick 2
• Nick Toons (http://nicktoonsnetwork.nick.com/home.html)
• Noggin (www.noggin.com)
• N Channel (www.the-n.com)
• PBS (www.pbs.org)
• PBS Kids (http://pbskids.org/go)
• Science Channel (http://science.discovery.com)
• Showtime Family Zone
• Sprout (www.sproutonline.com)
• Starz! Kids and Family (http://www.starz.com/appmanager/seg/s?_nfpb=true&_pageLabel=starz_kids_family)
• Toon Disney (http://psc.disney.go.com/abcnetworks/toondisney)
• Varsity World (www.varsityworld.com)

Importantly, this list does not include the growing universe of religious / spiritual television networks. Nor does it include the many family or educational programs that traditional TV broadcasters offer. Finally, the list does not include the massive market for interactive computer software or websites for children.  All of this begs the obvious question: What more is it that policymakers want?

More offerings are always welcome, of course.  But, on a personal note, as the parents of two young kids (ages 5 and 7), my wife and I regularly struggle to sort through all the wonderful video programming options at our disposal.  We often find ourselves swimming through an ocean of choices available from our local broadcasters and multichannel video provider. Moreover, our kids are spending an increasing amount of time watching snippets of video via kid-oriented online search portals like KidZui and Glubble. Such online walled gardens offer a safe place for parents to find terrific online content for their kids.

I have to admit, all the choices my kids have today have left me a bit jealous!  I grew up in small central Illinois town with a couple of crummy (Iowa-based!) broadcast stations that were barely visible on our TV (and usually only when my Dad made me hold the antenna and stick my arms up in the air to get reception!) There was also one local cinema in town that usually showed old movies from the ‘50s and ‘60s that few kids cared to see.  And that was generally the extent of video choices for kids in our town.  Sure, the 1970s brought us Sesame Street as well as Mister Rogers (if that was your cup of tea).  Today, however, we still have those shows and much, much more.  Our kids now enjoy an unprecedented cornucopia of media alternatives and, contrary to what some policymakers would have us believe, many of them are extremely high-quality in nature.  My parents would have likely given anything to just have even one network as incredibly enriching as Noggin at their disposal in the ‘60s and ‘70s.  Instead, on the occasions that the TV had to become a babysitter and nothing worthwhile was on the tube, I usually ended up watching trashy soap operas.  (Don’t even get me started on “Days of Our Lives.” I could write a short history of the show’s 1975-1982 seasons!)

Speaking of trashy shows, there was a lot of talk at yesterday’s hearing about the “need to protect our children from harmful content,” as Sen. Rockefeller began the hearing by arguing.  But as I have shown in my parental controls report, not only are there more and better quality options to steer your kids toward today, but it is easier than ever before to steer them right to those preferred options and lock down everything else in sight.  As I concluded in that report:

there has never been a time in our nation’s history when parents have had more tools and methods at their disposal to help them decide what constitutes acceptable media content in their homes and in the lives of their children. […] parents now have [many tools and techniques] at their disposal to better control media content and raise their children as they see fit. That is not to say that media and communications technologies don’t continue to play a major role in our society and culture. But… parents have been empowered with tools, controls, strategies, and information, that can help them devise and then enforce a media plan for their families that is in line with their own values.

So, again, it must be asked: What is the problem here?

Finally, it should be noted that any effort by Congress or the FCC to tinker with video programming marketplace will eventually run up against serious First Amendment concerns and eventual court challenges.  In a previous session of Congress, before he became Chairman of the Senate Commerce Committee, Sen. Rockefeller aggressively pushed for expanded content controls, not just for broadcast television, but for cable and satellite platforms as well.  In a 2005 PFF report on Sen. Rockefeller’s “Indecent and Gratuitous and Excessively Violent Programming Control Act of 2005,” First Amendment attorney Robert Corn-Revere of the law firm Davis Wright Tremaine argued that efforts to expand the horizons of FCC regulation to cover more content and platforms “would be almost certain to fail a constitutional challenge.”  Likewise, in a 2007 PFF white paper, constitutional law expert Laurence H. Tribe of the Harvard Law School, noted that the old “it’s-for-the-children” rationale for such content regulation is exactly backwards:

the malleability of children—how easy it is to mold their minds and to influence them—counts against and not in favor of centralized governmental controls. One of the arguments that you will often find is, yes, it’s all very well to believe in free speech between consenting adults but we’re talking about kids here and their minds are like plastic and they are being molded and shaped and, therefore, we have greater power to protect them. Therefore, you should keep your hands off them because they are so easy to shape. No, no, no. The argument is not that kids are malleable and therefore, Big Brother should be empowered. The argument is that kids are malleable and, therefore, families should be empowered. Parental authority should be at the center of decision making.

Indeed. And, as already noted, parents have more tools and strategies to exercise that authority than ever before, as well as more programming options to choose from. Policymakers should be celebrating these modern media marketplace developments, not bemoaning them.  We are blessed to be living in the Golden Age of children’s video programming.

An interesting new survey has just been released by the Australian Communications and Media Authority (ACMA), which is the rough equivalent of the Federal Communications Commission here in the U.S., but with somewhat broader authority. ACMA’a latest report is entitled Use of Electronic Media and Communications: Early Childhood to Teenage Years and it takes a look at media technology usage among Australian youngsters in 5 age groupings (3 to 4 years of age, 7 to 8, 8 to 11, 12 to 14, and 15 to 17).

The survey also asked Australian parents “How easy do you find managing your child’s ___ use.”  They asked that question for four different media or communications technologies: TV & DVD; video games; Internet; and mobile devices.  They results, summarized in the table below, were quite interesting and seem to indicate that Australian parents find it much easier to manage their children’s media use than some of their elected leaders imagine.

After all, the Australian government has been contemplating (or already engaging in) some fairly significant content regulations for media, including fairly significant video game censorship, subsidized, government-approved PC-based filters, and now mandatory ISP-level content filtering.  But this new ACMA survey seems to suggest that parental responsibility is alive and well down under and that such content regulation is unwarranted.  As Michael Meloni of the excellent “Somebody Think of the Children” blog argues: “Maybe it’s time politicians stopped using that old excuse about how censorship is needed because parents don’t know how to manage their children’s access to the Internet and video games.” Indeed!

I’ve just had a new article published by the American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC) in which I make the case against “techno-panics,” which refers to public and political crusades against the use of new media or technologies by the young. The article is entitled “Parents, Kids & Policymakers in the Digital Age: Safeguarding Against ‘Techno-Panics‘” and it appears in the July 2009 Inside ALEC newsletter.  This is something I have spent a lot of time writing about here in recent years (See 1, 2, 3, 4, 5) and I finally got around to putting it altogether in a concise essay here.  I have pasted the full text below. [And I just want to send a shout-out to my friend Anne Collier of Net Family News.org, whose work on this topic has been very influential on my thinking.]

“Parents, Kids & Policymakers in the Digital Age: Safeguarding Against ‘Techno-Panics‘” by Adam Thierer

A cursory review of the history of media and communications technologies reveals a reoccurring cycle of “techno-panics” — public and political crusades against the use of new media or technologies by the young.  From the waltz to rock-and-roll to rap music, from movies to comic books to video games, from radio and television to the Internet and social networking websites, every new media format or technology has spawned a fresh debate about the potential negative effects they might have on kids.

Inevitably, fueled by media sensationalism and various activist groups, these social and cultural debates quickly become political debates. Indeed, each of the media technologies or outlets mentioned above was either regulated or threatened with regulation at some point in its history. And the cycle continues today. During recent sessions of Congress, countless hearings were held and bills introduced on a wide variety of media and content-related issues. These proposals dealt with broadcast television and radio programming, cable and satellite television content, video games, the Internet, social networking sites, and much more.  State policymakers, especially state Attorneys General (AGs), have also joined in such crusades on occasion.  The recent push by AGs for mandatory age verification for all social networking sites is merely the latest example.

What is perhaps most ironic about these techno-panics is how quickly yesterday’s boogeyman becomes tomorrow’s accepted medium, even as the new villains replace old ones.  For example, the children of the 1950s and 60s were told that Elvis’s hip shakes and the rock-and-roll revolution would make them all the tools of the devil. They grew up fine and became parents themselves, but then promptly began demonizing rap music and video games in the ‘80s and ‘90s.  And now those aging Pac Man-era parents are worried sick about their kids being abducted by predators lurking on MySpace and Facebook. We shouldn’t be surprised if, a decade or two from now, today’s Internet generation will be decrying the dangers of virtual reality.

These techno-panics are almost always disproportionate to the real risk posed by new media and technology, which typically do not have the corrupting influence on youth that older generations fear.  Parents and public policymakers alike need to remember they were once kids, too, and managed to live through many of the same fears and concerns about media and popular culture. As the late University of North Carolina journalism professor Margaret A. Blanchard once noted: “[P]arents and grandparents who lead the efforts to cleanse today’s society seem to forget that they survived alleged attacks on their morals by different media when they were children. Each generation’s adults either lose faith in the ability of their young people to do the same or they become convinced that the dangers facing the new generation are much more substantial than the ones they faced as children.” And Thomas Hine, author of The Rise and Fall of the American Teenager, argues that: “We seem to have moved, without skipping a beat, from blaming our parents for the ills of society to blaming our children. We want them to embody virtues we only rarely practice. We want them to eschew habits we’ve never managed to break.”

The better response by both parents and policymakers is a measured and balanced approach to children’s exposure to media content and online interactions.  All-or-nothing extremes are never going to work.  In particular, techno-panics are hopelessly counter-productive. “Fear, in many cases, is leading to overreaction, which in turn could give rise to greater problems as young people take detours around the roadblocks we think we are erecting,” argue John Palfrey and Urs Gasser, authors of Born Digital: Understanding the First Generation of Digital Natives. What parents, educators, and policymakers need to understand, they argue, “is that the traditional values and common sense that have served them well in the past will be relevant in this new world, too.”

Most simply, we need to be willing to talk to our kids about the new technologies and cultural developments that shape their generation. When we as parents (or policymakers) do not fully comprehend or appreciate the new-fangled gadget in our kids’ pocket—or whatever they are playing, watching, or listening to on it—instead of engaging in demagoguery and driving a wedge between us and them, we should instead invite them to have a conversation with us about it.  Ask three simple questions to get that conversation started: “What is this new thing all about?”  “Tell me how you use it.”  “Why is it important to you?”  Once you’ve got them talking to you, good ‘ol fashion common sense and timeless parenting principles should kick in. “Do you understand why too much of this might be bad for you?” “Will you please come talk to me if you don’t understand something you’ve seen or heard?” And so on.

In sum, it’s about parental responsibility and rational, measured responses. The “techno-panic” mentality, by contrast, creates distrust and distance between our kids and us. As Anne Collier of Net Family News notes, techno-panics “cause fear, which interferes with parent-child communication, which in turn puts kids at greater risk.”

Parents and policymakers need to engage kids in an ongoing conversation about the technologies du jour—even when we don’t fully understand or appreciate them.

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“Against Techno-Panics” by Adam Thierer, PFF (July 2009 – Inside ALEC) http://d.scribd.com/ScribdViewer.swf?document_id=17392730&access_key=key-2gdkqylyeu5h376buyyi&page=1&version=1&viewMode=