Friends of Internet freedom, I need your assistance. I think we need to develop a principled, pro-liberty blueprint for Internet policy going forward. Can you help me draw up five solid principles to guide that effort?

No, wait, don’t worry about it… it has has already been done!

As I noted in my latest weekly Forbes column, “Fifteen years ago, the Clinton Administration proposed a paradigm for how cyberspace should be governed that remains the most succinct articulation of a pro-liberty, market-oriented vision for cyberspace ever penned. It recommended that we rely on civil society, contractual negotiations, voluntary agreements, and ongoing marketplace experiments to solve information age problems. In essence, they were recommending a high-tech Hippocratic oath: First, do no harm (to the Internet).”

That was the vision articulated by President Clinton’s chief policy counsel Ira Magaziner, who was in charge of crafting the administration’s Framework for Global Electronic Commerce in July 1997.  I was blown away by the document then and continue to genuflect before it today. Let’s recall the five principles at the heart of this beautiful Framework:

1. The private sector should lead. The Internet should develop as a market driven arena not a regulated industry. Even where collective action is necessary, governments should encourage industry self-regulation and private sector leadership where possible.

2. Governments should avoid undue restrictions on electronic commerce

. In general, parties should be able to enter into legitimate agreements to buy and sell products and services across the Internet with minimal government involvement or intervention. Governments should refrain from imposing new and unnecessary regulations, bureaucratic procedures or new taxes and tariffs on commercial activities that take place via the Internet.

3. Where governmental involvement is needed, its aim should be to support and enforce a predictable, minimalist, consistent and simple legal environment for commerce

. Where government intervention is necessary, its role should be to ensure competition, protect intellectual property and privacy, prevent fraud, foster transparency, and facilitate dispute resolution, not to regulate.

4. Governments should recognize the unique qualities of the Internet

. The genius and explosive success of the Internet can be attributed in part to its decentralized nature and to its tradition of bottom-up governance. Accordingly, the regulatory frameworks established over the past 60 years for telecommunication, radio and television may not fit the Internet. Existing laws and regulations that may hinder electronic commerce should be reviewed and revised or eliminated to reflect the needs of the new electronic age.

5. Electronic commerce on the Internet should be facilitated on a global basis

. The Internet is a global marketplace. The legal framework supporting commercial transactions should be consistent and predictable regardless of the jurisdiction in which a particular buyer and seller reside.

It doesn’t get much better than that. Sure, some will nitpick about some of the Clinton Administration’s views on a few issues like encryption and copyright, but the fact remains that we would be hard-pressed today to come with a better set of general principles to guide Internet policymaking than those five. And these principles can be embraced in a non-partisan fashion. Liberal and conservatives alike should learn to abandon their pet regulatory issues and instead embrace this more principled approach to keeping government’s paws off the Net before cyberspace gets smothered by red tape both here and abroad.

Finally, I encourage you to also check out this remarkable speech that Ira Magaziner delivered two years after issuing the Framework in which he argued that “even if it were desirable to centrally control the Internet in some way, it is impossible, and life is too short to spend too much time doing things that are impossible. By the same token, we need to respect the nature of the medium in the sense that technology moves very quickly, and any policy that is tied to a given technology is going to be outmoded before it is enacted.”

He concluded that speech by noting that we should rely “first and foremost on the marketplace and on self-regulation, of limited and highly targeted government involvement based on consensus, of non-partisan debate and international cooperation. Most importantly of all,” he said, we should “retain a sense of humility and…acknowledge that none of us can, on these issues at least, claim to have all the answers.”

Yes, yes, YES!  Such humility is sorely lacking in our policymakers today.

So, who will join me in renewing the fight for the Clinton-Magaziner vision for the Internet policy?

Statue at FTC Headquarters: “Man Controlling Trade” (We’re rooting for the horse!)

Adam Thierer and I have just released a new PFF paper entitled “Targeted Online Advertising: What’s the Harm & Where Are We Heading?” (PDF) about the FTC’s new “Self-Regulatory Principles for Online Behavioral Advertising.”  Adam lampooned some of the attitudes at play in this debate in a great rant yesterday.

But we give the FTC credit for resisting calls to abandon self-regulation, and for its thoughtful consideration of the danger in stifling advertising-the economic engine that has supported a flowering of creative expression and innovation online content and services.  That said, we continue to have our doubts about the FTC’s approach, however-well intentioned:

1. Where is this approach heading?  Will a good faith effort to suggest best practices eventually morph into outright government regulation of the online advertising marketplace?
2. What, concretely, is the harm we’re trying to address?  We have asked this question several times before and have yet to see a compelling answer.
3. What will creeping “co-regulation” mean for the future of “free” Internet services?  Is the mother’s milk of the Internet-advertising-about to be choked off by onerous privacy mandates?

We stand at an important crossroads in the debate over the online marketplace and the future of a “free and open” Internet. Many of those who celebrate that goal focus on concepts like “net neutrality” at the distribution layer, but what really keeps the Internet so “free and open” is the economic engine of online advertising at the applications and content layers. If misguided government regulation chokes off the Internet’s growth or evolution, we would be killing the goose that laid the golden eggs.

The dangers of regulation to the health of the Internet are real, but the ease with which government could disrupt the economic motor of the Internet (advertising) is not widely understood-and therein lies the true danger in this debate.  The advocates of regulation pay lip service to the importance of advertising in funding online content and services but don’t seem to understand that this quid pro quo is a fragile one: Tipping the balance, even slightly, could have major consequences for continued online creativity and innovation.

As we conclude:  Self-regulatory efforts can be refined, especially through technological innovation to better satisfy the concerns of policymakers, privacy advocates, and average consumers.  For example, if websites and ad networks participating in a self-regulatory framework supplemented their current “natural language” privacy policies with equivalent “machine-readable” code, that data could be “read” by browser tools that would implement pre-specified user preferences by blocking the collection of information depending on whether the privacy policies of certain websites or ad networks met the user’s preferences about data-use. Such robust and granular disclosure, if implemented for behavioral advertising, would exceed the wildest dreams of those who argue that users currently do not read privacy policies-without disrupting the browsing experience or cluttering websites.  But this system would only work if users had to make real choices about paying for”‘free” content and services by disclosing their personal information.

Truly privacy sensitive users should be free to opt out of whatever tracking they find objectionable-but not without a cost:  The less data they agree to share, the less content and services they can fairly expect to receive for free.  Concretely, this means that they might not be able to access certain sites, content, or functionality without watching extra (untargeted ads), or paying for that content or service (assuming such a micropayment model can be worked out).  Of course, there will always be ways to “cheat” in such a system, but Commissioner Harbour is exactly right on one point:  Each content creator and service provider must be “free to strike whatever balance it deems appropriate.” This freedom is vital to the Internet’s future because the easier we make it for some users to get “something for nothing,” the smaller will be the economic base for the content and services everyone else takes for granted.  Again, there is no free lunch.

You can download our paper in PDF form on the PFF website or view it below in Scribd.  (Click the rectangle-in-rectangle button at the top right to maximize the iPaper viewer.)