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In my latest R Street Institute blog post, “Mapping the AI Policy Landscape Circa 2023: Seven Major Fault Lines,” I discuss the big issues confronting artificial intelligence and machine learning in the coming year and beyond. I note that the AI regulatory proposals are multiplying fast and coming in two general varieties: broad-based and targeted. Broad-based algorithmic regulation would address the use of these technologies in a holistic fashion across many sectors and concerns. By contrast, targeted algorithmic regulation looks to address specific AI applications or concerns. In the short-term, it is more likely that targeted or “sectoral” regulatory proposals have a chance of being implemented.

I go on to identify seven major issues of concern that will drive these policy proposals. They include:

1) Privacy and Data Collection

2) Bias and Discrimination

3) Free Speech and Disinformation

4) Kids’ Safety

5) Physical Safety and Cybersecurity

6) Industrial Policy and Workforce Issues

7) National Security and Law Enforcement Issues

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Here’s yesterday’s full launch event video for the release of my new book, Evasive Entrepreneurs and the Future of Governance: How Innovation Improves Economies and Governments. My thanks to Matthew Feeney, Director of the Project on Emerging Technologies at the Cato Institute, for hosting the discussion and sorting through audience questions. The video is below and some of the topics we discussed are listed down below:

* innovation culture
* charter cities, innovation hubs & competitive federalism
* the pacing problem
* technological determinism
* innovation arbitrage
* existential risk
* the Precautionary Principle vs. Permissionless Innovation
* responsible innovation
* drones, facial recognition & surveillance tech
* why privacy & cybersecurity bills never pass
* regulatory accumulation
* applying Moore’s Law to government
* technological civil disobedience
* 3D printing
* biohacking & the “Right to Try” movement
* technologies of resistance
* “born free” technologies vs. “born in captivity” tech
* regulatory capture
* agency threats & “regulation by raised eyebrow”
* soft law vs. hard law
* autonomous systems & “killer robots”!

ImageCongress has become a less important player in the field of technology policy. Why did that happen, and what are the ramifications for technological governance efforts going forward?

I’ve spent almost 30 years covering technology policy. There was a time in my life when I spent almost all my time as a policy analyst preoccupied with developments in the federal legislative arena. I lived in the trenches of Capitol Hill and interacted with lawmakers and their staff morning, noon, and night.

In recent years, however, I have spent very little time focused on the Legislative Branch because it has effectively become a non-actor on technology policy. It is not that congressional lawmakers stopped caring about tech policy. Interest actually remains quite high—perhaps higher than ever before. Congress also continues to introduce lots of bills, host plenty of hearings, and issue mountains of press releases related to tech policy issues.

Nonetheless, all that interest and activity has not really translated into much important legislation. Continue reading →

On August 1, Sens. Mark Warner and Cory Gardner introduced the “Internet of Things  Cybersecurity Improvement Act of 2017.” The goal of the legislation according to its sponsors is to establish “minimum security requirements for federal procurements of connected devices.” Pointing to the growing number of connected devices and their use in prior cyber-attacks, the sponsors aims to provide flexible requirements that limit the vulnerabilities of such networks. Most specifically the bill requires all new Internet of Things (IoT) devices to be patchable, free of known vulnerabilities, and rely on standard protocols. Overall the legislation attempts to increase and standardize baseline security of connected devices, while still allowing innovation in the field to remain relatively permissionless. As Ryan Hagemann[1] at the Niskanen Center states, the bill is generally perceived as a step in the right direction in promoting security while limiting the potential harms of regulation to the overall innovation in the Internet of Things.

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[This is an excerpt from Chapter 6 of the forthcoming 2nd edition of my book, “Permissionless Innovation: The Continuing Case for Comprehensive Technological Freedom,” due out later this month. I was presenting on these issues at today’s New America Foundation “Cybersecurity for a New America” event, so I thought I would post this now.  To learn more about the contrast between “permissionless innovation” and “precautionary principle” thinking, please consult the earlier edition of my book or see this blog post.]


 

Viruses, malware, spam, data breeches, and critical system intrusions are just some of the security-related concerns that often motivate precautionary thinking and policy proposals.[1] But as with privacy- and safety-related worries, the panicky rhetoric surrounding these issues is usually unfocused and counterproductive.

In today’s cybersecurity debates, for example, it is not uncommon to hear frequent allusions to the potential for a “digital Pearl Harbor,” [2] a “cyber cold war,” [3] or even a “cyber 9/11.” [4] These analogies are made even though these historical incidents resulted in death and destruction of a sort not comparable to attacks on digital networks. Others refer to “cyber bombs” or technological “time bombs,” even though no one can be “bombed” with binary code. [5] Michael McConnell, a former director of national intelligence, went so far as to say that this “threat is so intrusive, it’s so serious, it could literally suck the life’s blood out of this country.” [6]

Such outrageous statements reflect the frequent use of “threat inflation” rhetoric in debates about online security. [7] Threat inflation has been defined as “the attempt by elites to create concern for a threat that goes beyond the scope and urgency that a disinterested analysis would justify.” [8] Unfortunately, such bombastic rhetoric often conflates minor cybersecurity risks with major ones. For example, dramatic doomsday stories about hackers pushing planes out of the sky misdirects policymakers’ attention from the more immediate, but less gripping, risks of data extraction and foreign surveillance. Well-meaning skeptics might then conclude that our real cybersecurity risks are also not a problem. In the meantime, outdated legislation and inappropriate legal norms continue to impede beneficial defensive measures that could truly improve security. Continue reading →

Tech Policy Threat Matrix

by on September 24, 2015 · 2 comments

On the whiteboard that hangs in my office, I have a giant matrix of technology policy issues and the various policy “threat vectors” that might end up driving regulation of particular technologies or sectors. Along with my colleagues at the Mercatus Center’s Technology Policy Program, we constantly revise this list of policy priorities and simultaneously make an (obviously quite subjective) attempt to put some weights on the potential policy severity associated with each threat of intervention. The matrix looks like this: [Sorry about the small fonts. You can click on the image to make it easier to see.]

 

Tech Policy Issue Matrix 2015

I use 5 general policy concerns when considering the likelihood of regulatory intervention in any given area. Those policy concerns are:

  1. privacy (reputation issues, fear of “profiling” & “discrimination,” amorphous psychological / cognitive harms);
  2. safety (health & physical safety or, alternatively, child safety and speech / cultural concerns);
  3. security (hacking, cybersecurity, law enforcement issues);
  4. economic disruption (automation, job dislocation, sectoral disruptions); and,
  5. intellectual property (copyright and patent issues).

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by Adam Thierer & Andrea Castillo

Cybersecurity policy is a big issue this year, so we thought it be worth reminding folks of some contributions to the literature made by Mercatus Center-affiliated scholars in recent years. Our research, which can be found here, can be condensed to these five core points:

1)         Institutions, societies, and economies are more resilient than we give them credit for and can deal with adversity, even cybersecurity threats.

See: Sean Lawson, “Beyond Cyber-Doom: Assessing the Limits of Hypothetical Scenarios in the Framing of Cyber-Threats,” December 19, 2012.

2)         Companies and organizations have a vested interest in finding creative solutions to these problems through ongoing experimentation and they are pursing them with great vigor.

See: Eli Dourado, “Internet Security Without Law: How Service Providers Create Order Online,” June 19, 2012.

3)         Over-arching, top-down “cybersecurity frameworks” threaten to undermine dynamism in cybersecurity and Internet governance, and could promote rent-seeking and corruption. Instead, the government should foster continued dynamic cybersecurity efforts through the development of a robust private-sector cybersecurity insurance market.

See: Eli Dourado and Andrea Castillo, “Why the Cybersecurity Framework Will Make Us Less Secure,” April 17, 2014.

4)         The language sometimes used to describe cybersecurity threats sometimes borders on “techno-panic” rhetoric that is based on “threat inflation.

See the Lawson paper already cited as well as: Jerry Brito & Tate Watkins “Loving the Cyber Bomb? The Dangers of Threat Inflation in Cybersecurity Policy,” April 10, 2012; and Adam Thierer, “Technopanics, Threat Inflation, and the Danger of an Information Technology Precautionary Principle,” January 25, 2013.

5)         Finally, taking these other points into account, our scholars have conclude that academics and policymakers should be very cautious about how they define “market failure” in the cybersecurity context. Moreover, to the extent they propose new regulatory controls to address perceived problems, those rules should be subjected to rigorous benefit-cost analysis.

See: Eli Dourado, “Is There a Cybersecurity Market Failure,” January 23, 2012.

 

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Originally posted at Medium.

The federal government is not about to allow last year’s rash of high-profile security failures of private systems like Home Depot, JP Morgan, and Sony Entertainment to go to waste without expanding its influence over digital activities.

Last week, President Obama proposed a new round of cybersecurity policies that would, among other things, compel private organizations to share more sensitive information about information security incidents with the Department of Homeland Security. This endeavor to revive the spirit of CISPA is only the most recent in a long line of government attempts to nationalize and influence private cybersecurity practices.

But the federal government is one of the last organizations that we should turn to for advice on how to improve cybersecurity policy.

Don’t let policymakers’ talk of getting tough on cybercrime fool you. Their own network security is embarrassing to the point of parody and has been getting worse for years despite spending billions of dollars on the problem.

C2-Spending-and-Breaches_0

The chart above comes from a new analysis on federal information security incidents and cybersecurity spending by me and my colleague Eli Dourado at the Mercatus Center.

The chart uses data from the Congressional Research Service and the Government Accountability Office to display total federal cybersecurity spending required by the Federal Information Security Management Act of 2002 displayed by the green bars and measured on the left-hand axis along with the total number of reported information security incidents of federal systems displayed by the blue line and measured by the right-hand axis from 2006 to 2013. The chart shows that the number of federal cybersecurity failures has increased every year since 2006, even as investments in cybersecurity processes and systems have increased considerably.

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I’ve spent much of the past year studying the potential public policy ramifications associated with the rise of the Internet of Things (IoT). As I was preparing some notes for my Jan. 6th panel discussing on “Privacy and the IoT: Navigating Policy Issues” at this year’s 2015 CES show, I went back and collected all my writing on IoT issues so that I would have everything in one place. Thus, down below I have listed most of what I’ve done over the past year or so. Most of this writing is focused on the privacy and security implications of the Internet of Things, and wearable technologies in particular.

I plan to stay on top of these issues in 2015 and beyond because, as I noted when I spoke on a previous CES panel on these issues, the Internet of Things finds itself at the center of what we might think of a perfect storm of public policy concerns: Privacy, safety, security, intellectual property, economic / labor disruptions, automation concerns, wireless spectrum issues, technical standards, and more. When a new technology raises one or two of these policy concerns, innovators in those sectors can expect some interest and inquiries from lawmakers or regulators. But when a new technology potentially touches all of these issues, then it means innovators in that space can expect an avalanche of attention and a potential world of regulatory trouble. Moreover, it sets the stage for a grand “clash of visions” about the future of IoT technologies that will continue to intensify in coming months and years.

That’s why I’ll be monitoring developments closely in this field going forward. For now, here’s what I’ve done on this issue as I prepare to head out to Las Vegas for another CES extravaganza that promises to showcase so many exciting IoT technologies. Continue reading →

Hack Hell

by on December 31, 2014 · 0 comments

2014 was quite the year for high-profile hackings and puffed-up politicians trying to out-ham each other on who is tougher on cybercrime. I thought I’d assemble some of the year’s worst hits to ring in 2015.

In no particular order:

Home Depot: The 2013 Target breach that leaked around 40 million customer financial records was unceremoniously topped by Home Depot’s breach of over 56 million payment cards and 53 million email addresses in July. Both companies fell prey to similar infiltration tactics: the hackers obtained passwords from a vendor of each retail giant and exploited a vulnerability in the Windows OS to install malware in the firms’ self-checkout lanes that collected customers’ credit card data. Millions of customers became vulnerable to phishing scams and credit card fraud—with the added headache of changing payment card accounts and updating linked services. (Your intrepid blogger was mysteriously locked out of Uber for a harrowing 2 months before realizing that my linked bank account had changed thanks to the Home Depot hack and I had no way to log back in without a tedious customer service call. Yes, I’m still miffed.)

The Fappening: 2014 was a pretty good year for creeps, too. Without warning, the prime celebrity booties of popular starlets like Scarlett Johansson, Kim Kardashian, Kate Upton, and Ariana Grande mysteriously flooded the Internet in the September event crudely immortalized as “The Fappening.” Apple quickly jumped to investigate its iCloud system that hosted the victims’ stolen photographs, announcing shortly thereafter that the “celebrity accounts were compromised by a very targeted attack on user names, passwords and security questions” rather than any flaw in its system. The sheer volume produced and caliber of icons violated suggests this was not the work of a lone wolf, but a chain reaction of leaks collected over time triggered by one larger dump. For what it’s worth, some dude on 4chan claimed the Fappening was the product of an “underground celeb n00d-trading ring that’s existed for years.” While the event prompted a flurry of discussion about online misogyny, content host ethics, and legalistic tugs-of-war over DMCA takedown requests, it unfortunately did not generate a productive conversation about good privacy and security practices like I had initially hoped.

The Snappening: The celebrity-targeted Fappening was followed by the layperson’s “Snappening” in October, when almost 100,000 photos and 10,000 personal videos sent through the popular Snapchat messaging service, some of them including depictions of underage nudity, were leaked online. The hackers did not target Snapchat itself, but instead exploited a third-party client called SnapSave that allowed users to save images and videos that would normally disappear after a certain amount of time on the Snapchat app. (Although Snapchat doesn’t exactly have the best security record anyways: In 2013, contact information for 4.6 million of its users were leaked online before the service landed in hot water with the FTC earlier this year for “deceiving” users about their privacy practices.) The hackers received access to 13GB library of old Snapchat messages and dumped the images on a searchable online directory. As with the Fappening, discussion surrounding the Snappening tended to prioritize scolding service providers over promoting good personal privacy and security practices to consumers.

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